A contribution to the documentation of Siwi (Berber) through an annotated folktale
urn:nbn:de:0009-10-49617
Abstract
The aim of this paper is to contribute to the documentation of the Siwi language (Berber, Egypt), through the transcription and translation of an unpublished folktale, recorded by the author in Siwa (Egypt) in 2018. The main stylistic features of the tale are described in the first part of the paper, while grammatical notes on the language are provided in the footnotes, in order to clarify some passages that could otherwise not be easily understood through the transcription, glosses and translation alone.
Zusammenfassung
Dieser Text will dazu beitragen, die Siwi-Sprache (Berber, Ägypten) besser zu dokumentieren. Das geschieht durch die Transkription und die Übersetzung einer bslang unveröffentlichten Erzählung, die die Autorin im Jahre 2018 in Siwa aufgezeichnet hat. Die wichtigsten stilistischen Merkmale der Erzählung sind im ersten Teil beschrieben. Erläuterung zu grammatischen Strukturen, die nicht trotz der Übersetzung und Glossierung nicht leicht zu verstehen sind, werden in den Fußnoten gegeben.
<1>
The aim of this paper is to contribute to the documentation of the Siwi language by presenting an unpublished folktale, transcribed and translated into English, thus incrementing the amount of data available on Siwi that may be useful for further studies on the language, as well as for comparative analysis from both a linguistic and literary point of view.
Siwi is a Berber language (Afro-asiatic phylum) spoken in the oases of Siwa and El Gaṛa in Egypt. Almost all speakers are bilingual (Siwi and Arabic). The main oasis, Siwa, is inhabited by over 25.000 people, including non-natives (especially Egyptians coming from other parts of the country).
<2>
The oral literary tradition in Siwa has already drawn the attention of researchers, and especially in the last few years. As far as folktales are concerned, four of are recounted in Laoust (1931: 146-159). Siwi anthropologist Malim (2001) included a number of Siwi folktales and proverbs in his book, but only translated into Arabic. The book has also been translated in other languages. Fourteen folktales collected among men and women from Siwa can be found in Schiattarella 2017. Siwa oral literary tradition is not limited to folktales, but features also other genres, such as proverbs, legends, religious poems, etc. For an overview, see Schiattarella 2019.
<3>
I recorded this 7ʹ56ʹʹ-long folktale on the 29th of September 2018 at the house of my main consultant. The story was told by his brother, a man in his thirties, to an audience comprised of myself and other family members, both children and adults, who were present in the room. The reason why the narrator decided to tell me this story is interesting: he had been listening to his brother and me for several years and he had always been interested in our transcription sessions. As he knew I was particularly keen to record folktales, he spontaneously offered to tell me one he knew well, and which was meaningful to him because it was a way to remember his aunt, who used to gather all the children together for storytelling sessions, on winter evenings. [1]
<4>
The folktale below follows the structure and features present in other folktales collected in North Africa, and shares fundamental characteristics with them (Bounfour & Merolla 1994: 2082-2084).
Before analysing the main features included in this story, I will summarise the main episodes of the plot. The story is about a girl who is obliged to remain secluded in her house while his father and brother go away for the pilgrimage. During her father’s absence, the girl is approached by ill-intentioned people. Despite the fact that she obeys her father’s instructions and does not let anyone into the house, when her father returns, someone tells him that the girl had gone out several times. The father thinks that the girl has disobeyed him, and tells his son to kill her. The girl’s brother manages to avoid killing his sister and instead leaves her in the desert. The girl survives, marries the son of a king and has seven children. Unfortunately, an evil character, a Christian, kills them all. The woman then flees and reaches a place where an old man teaches her to read the Quran. When the old man dies, she takes his place, dresses like a man and starts reciting the Quran. Many people go to listen to her beautiful voice, including all the people who hurt her in the past. She is then able to tell the truth about her story, exposing the wicked characters and finally returning to her house with her father and husband.
<5>
The main features typical of many oral folktales are unsurprisingly also found in this one. I will list some of them here, in order to present Siwi oral literary tradition within a broader frame.
The very first feature is the imprisonment of the girl while the men of the family are away, travelling and, as a consequence of the men being absent, the prohibition to open the door to any stranger. A second topos is the appearance of ill-intentioned characters who try to distract the protagonist from her promises. There are then also the father’s revenge for the injustice he feels he has suffered, and the trick come up with by the girl’s accomplice, in this case her brother.
<6>
Another interesting recurring theme is the prominence of the number seven – in this case the protagonist has seven sons (Scelles Millie 2002: 25-26; Lacoste-Dujardin 1970: 91-92 in Kabyle folktales; Schiattarella 2017: tales 3.2, 3.7, 3.8 and 3.9 for other examples of Siwi tales featuring the number seven) – and the crossdressing imposed on the protagonist when she needs to do something that according to social conventions is not acceptable for a woman - in this case leading and singing prayer. The beauty of the protagonist’s voice, and its fame reaching far, unnamed places, is also a very frequent pattern.
The punishment reserved to wicked characters also contains a recurrent element. Folktales usually end with cruelties: in this tale, the evil characters are burned over a bundle of wood. What is interesting here is that the rich evil-doer (it is not clear who the storyteller refers to) always receives a worse punishment than the poor one, namely being burned over two bundles of wood instead of one.
<7>
In general, no reference to a specific time in history or to a particular historical episode is found in Siwi folktales, as in many other folktales. Only on rare occasions is reference to a specific period given in the text (Lacoste-Dujardin 1970:142-145). In Siwi, tales usually start with the formula má ṛṛa di ‘once upon a time’, referring to an unspecified moment in the past. The rest of the narration proceeds in chronological order and the course of the events flows in linear succession without flashbacks or flash-forwards.
<8>
Space is unidentified. Nonetheless, some generic places are mentioned by the storyteller, and are the same often found in other tales as well: the ssuq, the market, which usually represents where the main activities take place. It is a space reserved for men, and when a woman spends much of her time there, this often carries a negative connotation (Lacoste-Dujardin 1970:139). Another generic place is the desert, removed from the view of most of the characters; its harshness is not described but inferred by the context, such as, in the tale below, from the fact that the protagonist suffers from lack of food and water. The cave, instead, represents a shelter from danger. In all other instances, such as when the protagonist must escape from the evil Christian, or when people come to hear her beautiful voice recite the Quran, the storyteller always refers to unspecified places and countries (SG šal ‘town’, PL šaliwən).
<9>
There are several characters who, one after the other, interact with the protagonist of the story. No detailed description of these characters is given: none of them has a name and physical appearance and personality features are never commented upon by the storyteller (‘non-visuality’, in Kossmann’s terms (2000: 55-59)), except for rare cases where certain attributes are relevant to the story. The story revolves around a girl whose father and brother are mentioned because of the fact that their departure for the pilgrimage is crucial to the events that ensue in the story. The mother of the children is never mentioned. The untrustworthy characters who wrong the protagonist are personified by a passer-by and an old woman, who is defined by the narrator as a bint ḥ aram ‘immoral woman’. Old women are usually associated with unfortunate misadventures in these folktales. Later on, the girl meets the emir, son of the king: this kind of meeting usually indicates that something positive is about to happen to the previously unlucky protagonist, as marriage to a noble character constitutes a sort of redressing of her past. The birth of her seven boys only serves as a pretext for the introduction of another wicked character, here personified by a Christian. The last character is an old man, who, contrary to the old woman, is often considered positively in tales, especially for his wisdom.
<10>
Religious elements are present throughout the tale and refer not only to Islam, but also to Christianity. The pilgrimage is found in many tales and is often used as a means to justify the absence of the protagonists for a long period of time (Lacoste-Dujardin 1970: 344). What is interesting here is the presence of a Christian, who plays a role similar to that usually associated with the ogre, as he kidnaps and eats the protagonist’s children. Other references to religion are the circumcision of the boys as they come of age, and the recitation of the Quran, which is usually performed by men.
<11>
Siwi tales are introduced by an opening formula and end with a closing one. Opening and closing formulas in fact play an important role in tales and usually serve to detach the dimension of reality from that of the imagination and to defend the storyteller from the evil eye that the narration might trigger (Schiattarella 2017: 21-22; 2019: 7470-7471). In the tale analysed here, the speaker only uses an Arabic ending formula, but most times, the two languages mix together, such as in the typical Siwi closing formula: ḥattuta, ḥattuta, qaṣṣaṛ ʕṃəṛha. akəṃṃús n xer i ənšní, akəṃṃús n šaṛ i əntn ə́n, literally ‘Tale, tale, it has shortened its span. A bundle of goodness to us, a bundle of badness to them’, where the first part is in Arabic and the second in Siwi.
<12>
It is not rare for some parts of the text, especially verbs, to be repeated in order to connect one episode with another. This is the case in (154-155), (160-161), (190), (198-199) and (202-203) with verbs, where the characters move from one scene to another and from one episode to the other. Another way in which these connections are achieved is through the use of temporal connectives. Several formulaic expressions in Arabic are used to divide the text and establish the temporal frame of the sequence of the episodes. That is why we very often find expressions such as ššwayte ́n ‘after a while’ (see (81), (138), (164) and (203)).
<13>
The intonation of the speaker’s voice changes throughout the text, in accordance with which character is speaking and with the function of each section of the text. The speaker tries to individually reproduce the voices of all the different characters, and the difference is remarkable when two characters speak to each other, one after the other. The tone is instead more neutral when the speaker narrates the events of the story, but then changes again, with a raising of the voice, when the speaker is offering a clarification and/or a personal comment on what is happening. See for example (40-41) aggw íd l-yə́ rriyyaḥ ‘The man was not satisfied’; (69) yərfa ́ -ya ‘He was scared’; (116) yə xsá g-iqə́rb-et yá ʕni ‘He wanted to grab her’; (169-170) ággwid šárəf laʕmí l-íẓəṛṛ ‘The old man was blind, he could not see’; (183) abbá-nnəs n təṛwáwen ‘the father of the children’.
It is not uncommon to find formulas or riddles, sometimes in Arabic, within Siwi tales, which are sung by the protagonists of the story and sometimes repeated several times in the text. In the case of our folktale, we can find an example in (38), where the formula is in Arabic (in square brackets).
<14>
Indirect speech is never present in this folktale, as is generally the case in all folktales. Dialogue, on the contrary, is sometimes used in order to create suspense in the story (Kossmann 2000: 63). In our story, suspence is also created by monologues, such as in the passage in (78-80), where the brother asks himself how to react to his father’s request to kill his sister: ga- ɣə́ṛṣʕ-as na la-ga-ɣə́ṛṣʕ-as? mámək ga-ɣə́ṛṣʕ-as i wə́ltma? ‘“Should I slaughter her or not? How will I slaughter my sister?”’
<15>
The entire story can be divided in five main parts:
1) The main characters are presented: a father and his son, who announce their intention to leave for a pilgrimage, and a daughter, who is obliged to wait for them inside the house. The first two wicked characters are introduced, as they try to convince the girl to disobey her father’s orders.
2) The men return from the pilgrimage, the girl is the victim of false accusations which cause her father to order her to be killed. Her brother takes her to the desert, but the girl manages to survive.
3) The girl reaches a far-away place, marries an emir and has seven children. She is again the victim of an evil character, who kills all her children and plans to kill her too.
4) The girl runs away again, finds an old man, starts to recite the Quran and attracts the attention of many people.
5) The girl is reunited with all the characters mentioned before. She is able to tell the truth about her story and to obtain justice, punishing the characters who had wronged her.
Despite the fact that storytelling as a practice has almost disappeared, and that this tale was not told by a professional storyteller (who in the past were usually women who entertained kids with their stories in the evenings), the narrator is able to deliver a coherent and clear plot for the story in each of its parts. This is probably due to the fact that he heard this story many times as a child, confirming the importance of the storytelling ritual in a not so distant past.
<16>
The following folktale has been transcribed, glossed and translated into English. I decided to mark the end of minor and major intonation units, false starts and hesitations. These elements may well prove useful for further studies. The grammatical notes in the footnotes are meant to clarify some passages that might not immediately be clear from the transcription, gloss or translation alone without a prior knowledge of the language. They will, of course, only cover a small number of features. [2]
(1) |
máṛṛa [3] |
di::: |
aggwíd [4] |
/ |
d::: |
ɣúṛ-əs |
tləččá |
/ |
d |
once |
EXIST |
man.SG.M |
/ |
and |
at-3SG |
girl.SG.F |
/ |
and |
|
Once upon a time there was a man, he had a daughter and |
(2) |
akəḅḅí |
/ |
abbá-nn-əs |
n |
tlə́čča |
/ |
[FS] |
d |
akə́ḅḅi |
boy.SG.M |
/ |
father.SG.M-of-3SG |
of |
girl.SG.F |
/ |
[FS] |
and |
boy.SG.M |
|
a son. The father of the girl, and the boy |
(3) |
yə-xs-ə́n |
tiḥí |
i |
aḥáǧǧi |
/ |
3-want.PFV-PL |
go.VN |
to |
make_a_pilgrimage.VN |
/ |
|
wanted to go on a pilgrimage. |
(4) |
g-yə́-ǧǧ-ən |
bəttín |
/ |
g-yə́-ǧǧ-ən |
IRR-3-leave.AOR-PL |
who |
/ |
IRR-3-leave.AOR-PL |
|
Who would they leave (behind)? They would leave |
(5) |
tlə́čča |
imán-n-əs |
/ |
girl.SG.F |
REFL-of-3SG |
/ |
|
the girl (behind) on her own. |
(6) |
i-sáwq-n-as |
ləbdaʕə́t |
n |
[FS] |
tləttšhúṛ |
3-buy.PFV-PL-IO.3SG |
supply.SG.F |
of |
[FS] |
three_months |
|
They bought a supply (of food) for three, |
(7) |
arbaʕtšhúṛ |
/ |
g-yə́-ḥḥ-ən |
i |
aḥáǧǧi |
four_months |
/ |
IRR-3-go.AOR-PL |
to |
make_a_pilgrimage.VN |
|
four months, and then they went on the pilgrimage |
(8) |
s |
iləɣṃán |
/ |
with |
camel.PL.M |
/ |
|
with (their) camels. |
(9) |
yə-ṃṃ-án-as |
ya |
bat |
/ |
lá-təf̣f̣aɣ |
/ |
3-say.PFV-PL-IO.3SG |
VOC |
girl.SG.F |
/ |
NEG-go_out.IMP |
/ |
|
They told her: “Girl, do not go out! |
(10) |
ga-n-ḥáṭṭ-am |
əlmunə́t |
n |
tləttšhúṛ |
IRR-1PL-put.AOR-IO.2SG.F |
supply.SG.F |
of |
three_months |
|
We will leave for you a supply of food for three, |
(11) |
arbaʕtšhúṛ |
lá-təf̣f̣aɣ |
af |
álbab |
n |
ágbən |
four_months |
NEG-go_out.IMP |
on |
door.SG.M |
of |
house.SG.M |
|
four months, do not go out the door of the house, |
(12) |
i |
álbaṛṛ |
xáḷəṣ |
/ |
lá-təf̣f̣aɣ |
/ |
tə-ṃṃ-ásən |
to |
outside |
at_all |
/ |
NEG-go.out.IMP |
/ |
3SG.F-say.PFV-IO.3PL |
|
outside, never, do not go out!” She told them: |
(13) |
xḷaṣ |
a |
ábba |
lā-f̣f̣ɣ-ax |
xáḷəṣ |
/ |
[FS] |
stop |
VOC |
father.SG.M |
NEG-go_out.AOR-1SG |
at_all |
/ |
[FS] |
|
“Alright, father, I will not go out at all!” |
(14) |
yə-ǧǧ-ə́n |
yə-qqə́s-n-as |
albáb |
s |
albáṛṛ |
/ |
3-leave.PFV-PL |
3-close.PFV-PL-IO.3SG |
door.SG.M |
from |
outside |
/ |
|
They left, they closed the door from the outside, |
(15) |
i-sáwq-n-as |
ləbdaʕə́t |
n |
tləttšhúṛ |
/ |
3-buy.PFV-PL-IO.3SG |
supply.SG.F |
of |
three_months |
/ |
|
they bought a supply (of food) for three months, |
(16) |
yə-ǧǧ-ə́n-tət |
ǧáǧi |
/ |
3-leave.PFV-PL-DO.3SG.F [5] |
inside |
/ |
|
they left her inside. |
(17) |
di |
aggwíd |
yə-xsá::: |
ažbad-ə́nn-əs |
tlə́čča |
/ |
EXIST |
man.SG.M |
3SG.M-want.PFV |
take.VN-of-3SG |
girl.SG.F |
/ |
|
There was a man who wanted to take the girl. |
(18) |
i-wə́ṣṣa |
taltí |
tləʕǧúst |
tšarə́ft |
/ |
3SG.M-ask.PFV |
woman.SG.F |
old.SG.F |
old.SG.F |
/ |
|
He asked an old woman, |
(19) |
taltí |
bint_ḥarám |
/ |
t-ṛaḥ [6] |
woman.SG.F |
ill_repute |
/ |
3SG.F-go.PFV |
|
a woman of ill-repute, she started |
(20) |
tə-qqə́rqb-as |
/ |
ulá |
/ |
y-usə́d |
3SG.F-knock.PFV-IO.3SG |
/ |
NEG |
/ |
3SG.M-come.PFV |
|
knocking. No! The man came first, |
(21) |
aggwíd |
úwwəl |
/ |
qbəl::: |
tálti |
tšárəft |
/ |
man.SG.M |
first |
/ |
before |
woman.SG.F |
old.SG.F |
/ |
|
before the old woman. |
(22) |
bəttín |
wa [7] |
i-qə́rqab |
bəttín |
? |
who |
DEM.SG.M |
3SG.M-knock.IPFV |
who |
? |
|
“Who is knocking?” |
(23) |
tə-ṃṃ-ás::: |
/ |
niš |
ʕbər_sabíl |
/ |
3SG.F-say.PFV-IO.3SG |
/ |
IDP.1SG |
passer_by.SG.M |
/ |
|
she said. (The man replied): “I am a passer-by, |
(24) |
xs-ix |
amán |
əʕṭəš-áx-a |
/ |
want.PFV-1SG |
water.PL.M |
be_thirsty.PFV-1SG-PRAGM [8] |
/ |
|
I want water, I am thirsty”. |
(25) |
tə-ṃṃ-ás |
ábba |
yə-ṣṣaf̣f̣áṛ-a |
/ |
3SG.F-say.PFV-IO.3SG |
father.SG.M |
3SG.M-travel.PFV-PRAGM |
/ |
|
(The girl) replied: “My father is away, |
(26) |
áṃṃa |
yə-ṣṣaf̣f̣áṛ-a |
/ |
brother.SG.M |
3SG.M-travel.PFV-PRAGM |
/ |
|
my brother is away, |
(27) |
lā-fətk-ʕ-as [9] |
albáb |
i |
ḥədd |
/ |
NEG-open.AOR-1SG-IO.3SG |
door.SG.M |
to |
person.SG.M |
/ |
|
I will not open the door to anyone, |
(28) |
[FS] |
lā-fətk-ʕ-as |
i |
ḥídda |
/ |
[FS] |
NEG-open.AOR-1SG-IO.3SG |
to |
person.SG.M |
/ |
|
I will not open (the door) to anyone!” |
(29) |
ḥarám |
fəllá-m |
úš-i |
amán |
/ |
shame |
on-2SG.F |
give.IMP-IO.1SG |
water.PL.M |
/ |
|
(The man said:) “Shame on you! Give me water”. |
(30) |
tə-ṃṃ-ás |
ábba |
yə-ṃṃa-í-ya |
3SG.F-say.PFV-IO.3SG |
father.SG.M |
3SG.M-say.PFV-IO.1SG-PRAGM |
|
She said: “My father told me |
(31) |
la-fə́ttk-as |
i |
ḥədd |
/ |
lá-təf̣f̣aɣ |
NEG-open.IMP-IO.3SG |
to |
person.SG.M |
/ |
NEG-go_out.IMP |
|
‘do not open for anyone, do not go out |
(32) |
i |
albáb |
xáḷəṣ |
/ |
yə-flá |
táni |
yom |
to |
door.SG.M |
at_all |
/ |
3SG.M-leave.PFV |
second |
day.SG.M |
|
the door at all’”. He left. The second day |
(33) |
y-usə́d |
yə-qqə́rqb-as |
/ |
tálət |
yom |
3SG.M-come.PFV |
3SG.M-knock.PFV-IO.3SG |
/ |
third |
day.SG.M |
|
he came and knocked (at her door), the third day |
(34) |
yə-qqə́rqb-as |
/ |
lá-tə-ftək |
albáb |
/ |
3SG.M-knock.PFV-IO.3SG |
/ |
NEG-3SG.F-open.PFV |
door.SG.M |
/ |
|
he knocked (at her door), she did not open the door. |
(35) |
al |
i-wə́ṣṣa |
taltí |
tšarə́ft |
/ |
until |
3SG.M-ask.PFV |
woman.SG.F |
old.SG.F |
/ |
|
Until (the passer-by) asked an old woman, |
(36) |
taltí::: |
bint_ḥarám |
/ |
t-usə́d |
woman.SG.F |
ill_repute |
/ |
3SG.F-come.PFV |
|
a woman of ill-repute, she came |
(37) |
t-qqərqb-ás |
i |
tlə́čča |
/ |
3SG.F-knock.PFV-IO.3SG |
to |
girl.SG.F |
/ |
|
and knocked on the girl(‘s door). |
(38) |
[yəhdiki |
yarḍiki |
mišʕarəf |
eh] |
hánta |
/ |
[May God lead you and fulfill you and so on] |
what |
/ |
||||
“[In Arabic: (May God) lead you and fulfill you, and so on]. What? |
(39) |
fə́ttk-i |
a |
bénti |
/ |
t-ugáy |
|
open.IMP-IO.1SG |
VOC |
my_girl |
/ |
3SG.F-refuse.PFV |
||
Open up for me, girl”. She refused |
(40) |
ga-tə́-ftək |
albáb |
/ |
aggwíd |
IRR-3SG.F-open.AOR |
door.SG.M |
/ |
man.SG.M |
|
to open the door. The man |
(41) |
l-yə́-rrəyyaḥ |
/ |
al::: |
abbá-nn-əs |
xḷaṣ |
NEG-3SG.M-rest.PFV |
/ |
until |
father.SG.M-of-3SG |
stop |
|
was not satisfied. Until the father, well, |
(42) |
i-tás-ənd |
sg |
əlḥəǧǧáǧ |
anni |
3-come.IPFV-PL |
from |
pilgrimage.PL.M |
COMP |
|
they were coming back from the pilgrimage. |
(43) |
g-(y)-ús-ənd |
/ |
yə-fl-ə́n |
tləttšhúṛ |
/ |
IRR-3-come.AOR-PL |
/ |
3-leave.PFV-PL |
three_months |
/ |
|
Three months had passed, |
(44) |
na |
arbaʕtšhúṛ |
/ |
i-tás-ənd |
or |
four_months |
/ |
3-come.IPFV-PL |
|
or (maybe) four, they were coming back |
(45) |
sg |
əlḥəǧǧáǧ |
// |
ággwid |
i-ṛáḥ |
from |
pilgrimage.PL.M |
// |
man.SG.M |
3SG.M-go.PFV |
|
from the pilgrimage. The man (who knocked at the girl’s door) |
(46) |
yə-ṃṃ-ás |
i |
abbá-nn-əs |
/ |
ɣwa |
3SG.M-say.PFV-IO.3SG |
to |
father.SG.M-of-3SG |
/ |
DEM.SG.M |
|
told her father: “There you go, |
(47) |
tləččá-nn-ək |
tə-f̣f̣áɣ-a |
/ |
tə́-ṛṛaḥ |
girl.SG.F-of-2SG.M |
3SG.F-go-out.PFV-PRAGM |
/ |
3SG.F-go.IPFV |
|
your daughter has gone out. She went |
(48) |
i |
ssuq |
tə́-ṛṛaḥ |
i |
iṭílən |
lá-di |
to |
market.SG.M |
3SG.F-go.IPFV |
to |
garden.PL.M |
NEG-EXIST |
|
to the market, she went to the gardens, |
(49) |
šra |
/ |
lá-di |
ankán |
lá-tə-ṛṛaḥ |
/ |
thing.SG.M |
/ |
NEG-EXIST |
place.SG.M |
NEG-3SG.F-go.IPFV |
/ |
|
there is nothing, there is no place she did not go, |
(50) |
ɣer |
/ |
niš |
əṃṃí-ʕ-ak |
əlmanə́t |
ánni |
but |
/ |
IDP.1SG |
say.PFV-1SG-IO.2SG.M |
deposit.SG.F |
COMP |
|
but I am (just) telling you (this) secret in order to |
(51) |
ga-wəṣṣl-áx-tət |
niš |
wəṣṣl-áx-tət |
IRR-transmit.AOR-1SG-DO.3SG.F |
IDP.1SG |
transmit.PFV-1SG-DO.3SG.F |
|
transmit it. I transmitted it”. |
(52) |
xḷaṣ |
/ |
abbá-nn-əs |
yə-ṃṃ-ás |
stop |
/ |
father.SG.M-of-3SG |
3SG.M-say.PFV-IO.3SG |
|
Well, the father said: |
(53) |
tlə́čča |
tat-ók |
/ |
əṣṣiy-ét |
girl.SG.F |
DEM.SG.F-2SG.M |
/ |
take.IMP-DO.3SG.F |
|
“This girl, take her. |
(54) |
ga-ɣə́ṛṣ-ʕ-as [10] |
/ |
lá-xs-ix |
azəṛṛá-nn-əs |
IRR-slaughter.AOR-1SG-IO.3SG |
/ |
NEG-want.PFV-1SG |
see.VN-of-3SG |
|
I will slaughter her. I don’t want to see her. |
(55) |
xs-ix |
ga-ktə́r-ṭ-i |
idammən-ə́nn-əs |
/ |
want.PFV-1SG |
IRR-bring.AOR-2SG-IO.1SG |
blood.PL.M-of-3SG |
/ |
|
I want you to bring me her blood. |
(56) |
ga-sw-áx-tən [11] |
/ |
lá-xs-ix |
azəṛṛá-nn-əs |
IRR-drink.AOR-1SG-DO.3PL |
/ |
NEG-want.PFV-1SG |
see.VN-of-3SG |
|
I will drink it. I don’t want to see her”. |
(57) |
bídu |
/ |
mámək |
ábba |
? |
also |
/ |
how |
father.SG.M |
? |
|
(His son said:) “How (is it possible), my father?” |
(58) |
yə-ṃṃ-ás |
ga-ɣə́ṛṣ-ṭ-as |
na |
3SG.M-say.PFV-IO.3SG |
IRR-slaughter.AOR-2SG-IO.3SG |
or |
|
(The father) said: “You will slaughter her or |
(59) |
ga-ɣəṛṣ-ʕ-áwən |
i |
ǧmíʕa |
/ |
yə-ṃṃ-ás |
IRR-slaughter.AOR-1SG-IO.2PL |
to |
everybody |
/ |
3SG.M-say.PFV-IO.3SG |
|
I will slaughter you both”. (The brother) replied: |
(60) |
xḷaṣ |
ábba |
/ |
gá-ḥḥ-ax |
ga-ṣṣy-áx-tət |
/ |
stop |
father.SG.M |
/ |
IRR-go.AOR-1SG |
IRR-take.AOR-1SG-DO.3SG.F |
/ |
|
“Alright, father, I will go, I will take her, |
(61) |
ga-ɣə́ṛṣ-ʕ-as |
/ |
i-ṛáḥ |
yə-qqə́rqəb |
IRR-slaughter.AOR-1SG-IO.3SG |
/ |
3SG.M-go.PFV |
3SG.M-knock.PFV |
|
I will slaughter her”. (The brother) started knocking |
(62) |
g |
álbab |
/ |
bəttín |
? |
yə-ṃṃ-ás |
niš |
in |
door.SG.M |
/ |
who |
? |
3SG.M-say.PFV-IO.3SG |
IDP.1SG |
|
on the door. (Her sister asked:) “Who is (there)?”. He replied “I am |
(63) |
áṃṃa-m |
/ |
gmáni |
ábba |
? |
brother.SG.M-POSS.2SG.F |
/ |
where |
father.SG.M |
? |
|
your brother.” (She replied): “Where is my father?” |
(64) |
yə-ṃṃ-ás |
abbá-nn-əm |
mázal |
g |
ləmṣaṛíb |
/ |
3SG.M-say.PFV-IO.3SG |
father.SG.M-of-2SG.F |
still |
in |
road.PL.F |
/ |
|
He said: “Your father is still on the road, |
(65) |
ʕammál |
i-tásəd |
/ |
háyya |
gá-(n)-ṛṛaḥ |
PROG |
3SG.M-come.IPFV |
/ |
come_on |
IRR-(1PL)-go.AOR |
|
he is coming. Come on, let’s go |
(66) |
ga-n-qábl-a |
/ |
tə-ftə́k |
albáb |
IRR-1PL-meet.AOR-DO.3SG.M |
/ |
3SG.F-open.PFV |
door.SG.M |
|
and meet him”. She opened the door, |
(67) |
t-uɣá [12] |
aṃṃá-s |
ašaḅə́t |
i-gə́lləs |
/ |
3SG.F-take.PFV |
brother.SG.M-POSS.3SG |
hug.VN |
3SG.M-cry.IPFV |
/ |
|
she hugged her brother, he cried. |
(68) |
mámək |
g-i-ɣə́ṛṣ-as |
i |
how |
IRR-3SG.M-slaughter.AOR-IO.3SG |
to |
|
How will he slaughter |
(69) |
wə́ltma-s |
? |
yə-rfá-ya |
/ |
sister.SG.F-POSS.3SG |
? |
3SG.M-be_scared.PFV-PRAGM |
/ |
|
his sister? He was scared. |
(70) |
yə-ṣṣy-ét |
g |
ágmar |
/ |
3SG.M-take.PFV-DO.3SG.F |
in |
horse.SG.M |
/ |
|
He took her on the horse, |
(71) |
yə-fl-ə́n |
i |
ṣṣáḥṛa |
/ |
i-tə́ffal-ən |
bʕid |
|||
3SG.M-leave.PFV-PL |
to |
desert.SG.M |
/ |
3-leave.IPFV-PL |
far |
||||
they went to the desert, they went far, |
(72) |
bʕid |
bʕid |
bʕid |
bʕid |
/ |
yə-f̣f̣ɣ-ə́n |
af |
šal |
far |
far |
far |
far |
/ |
3-go_out.PFV-PL |
from |
country.SG.M |
|
far away, they went out of the town, |
(73) |
xáḷəṣ |
/ |
al::: |
i-ẓə́wṭ-ən |
yə-ṃṃ-ás |
at_all |
/ |
until |
3-be_tired.PFV-PL |
3SG.M-say.PFV-IO.3SG |
|
until (the time) they were tired and he told her: |
(74) |
háyya |
ga-n-rrə́yyaḥ |
/ |
mazál |
ábba |
g |
ma [13] |
? |
come_on |
IRR-1PL-rest.AOR |
/ |
still |
father.SG.M |
in |
where |
? |
|
“Come on, let’s rest”. (She said:) “Where is our father?” |
(75) |
yə-ṃṃ-ás |
mazál |
bʕid |
ɣer |
ga-n-rrə́yyaḥ |
/ |
3SG.M-say.PFV-IO.3SG |
still |
far |
but |
IRR-1PL-rest.AOR |
/ |
|
He replied: “(Our father is) still far away. Let’s rest”. |
(76) |
yə-f-ə́n |
taṃɣáṛt |
/ |
yə-ṭṭs-ə́n |
/ |
yə́-ṣṣbaṛ |
al::: |
3-find.PFV-PL |
cave.SG.F |
/ |
3-sleep.PFV-PL |
/ |
3SG.M-wait.PFV |
until |
|
They found a cave, they laid down, he waited until |
(77) |
t-nə́ddum |
/ |
yə-ṣṣáy |
txuṣə́t |
/ |
3SG.F-sleep.IPFV |
/ |
3SG.M-take.PFV |
knife.SG.F |
/ |
|
she was sleeping. He took a knife. |
(78) |
ga-ɣə́ṛṣ-ʕ-as |
na |
IRR-slaughter.AOR-1SG-IO.3SG |
or |
|
(He thought:) “Should I slaughter her or |
(79) |
la-ga-ɣə́ṛṣ-ʕ-as |
? |
NEG-IRR-slaughter.AOR-1SG-IO.3SG |
||
not? |
(80) |
mámək |
ga-ɣə́ṛṣ-ʕ-as |
i |
wə́ltma |
/ |
how |
IRR-slaughter.AOR-1SG-IO.3SG |
to |
sister.SG.F |
/ |
|
How will I slaughter my sister?” |
(81) |
ššwaytén |
sbḥan_allah |
ráḅḅi |
/ |
after_a_while |
praise_be_to_Allah |
God.SG.M |
/ |
|
After a while, praise be to Allah, God |
(82) |
i-baʕt-ás |
tyaṛẓáṣt |
/ |
3SG.M-send.PFV-IO.3SG |
rabbit.SG.F |
/ |
|
sent him a rabbit. |
(83) |
yə-ṭṭə́f |
tyáṛẓaṣt |
3SG.M-catch.PFV |
rabbit.SG.F |
|
(The brother) caught the rabbit |
(84) |
i-ɣə́ṛṣ-as |
/ |
yə-ṣṣáy |
ləwʕá::: |
/ |
3SG.M-slaughter.PFV-IO.3SG |
/ |
3SG.M-take.PFV |
bowl.SG.M |
/ |
|
and slaughtered it, he took a bowl, |
(85) |
yə-fá |
ləwʕá |
/ |
yə-ččúṛ-a |
idammə́n |
3SG.M-find.PFV |
bowl.SG.M |
/ |
3SG.M-fill.PFV-PRAGM |
blood.PL.M |
|
(well, actually) he found a bowl, he filled it with blood, |
(86) |
ə́gd-əs |
/ |
yə-ṭṭə́wah |
tyáṛẓaṣt |
yə-nyá |
in-3SG |
/ |
3SG.M-throw_away.PFV |
rabbit.SG.F |
3SG.M-mount.PFV |
|
(then) he threw away the rabbit, he mounted |
(87) |
ágmar |
yə-flá |
/ |
yə-ḥḥ-ás |
i |
horse.SG.M |
3SG.M-leave.PFV |
/ |
3SG.M-go.PFV-IO.3SG |
to |
|
the horse and he left. He went to |
(88) |
abbá-nn-əs |
/ |
ah |
ɣə́ṛṣ-ṭ-as |
? |
father.SG.M-of-3SG |
/ |
yes |
slaughter.PFV-2SG-IO.3SG |
? |
|
his father. (The father asked): “So, did you slaughter her?” |
(89) |
yə-ṃṃ-ás |
ah |
ɣə́ṛṣ-ʕ-as |
/ |
3SG.M-say.PFV-IO.3SG |
yes |
slaughter.PFV-1SG-IO.3SG |
/ |
|
(His son) replied: “Yes I slaughtered her. |
(90) |
ɣw-í-ya |
idammə́n |
/ |
DEM-PL-PRAGM |
blood.PL.M |
/ |
|
This is (her) blood”. |
(91) |
yə-ṣṣy-én |
yə-sw-én |
// |
3SG.M-take.PFV-DO.3PL |
3SG.M-drink.PFV-DO.3PL |
// |
|
(The father) took it and drank it. |
(92) |
báʕd-ma |
yə-sw-én |
/ |
tlə́čča |
xḷaṣ |
/ |
after-COMP |
3SG.M-drink.PFV-DO.3PL |
/ |
girl.SG.F |
stop |
/ |
|
After he drank... well, the girl |
(93) |
t-nə́ddum |
/ |
yə-ǧǧá |
wə́ltma-s |
3SG.F-sleep.IPFV |
/ |
3SG.M-leave.PFV |
sister.SG.F-POSS.3SG |
|
was sleeping, (the brother) had left his sister |
(94) |
tt-ə́lla |
g |
táṃɣaṛt |
yə-flá |
i |
ágbən |
xḷaṣ |
3SG.F-exist |
in |
cave.SG.F |
3SG.M-leave.PFV |
to |
house.SG.M |
stop |
|
in the cave, he went home |
(95) |
aqbá |
i-ɣəṛṣ-ás-a |
/ |
nə́tta |
as_if |
3SG.M-slaughter.PFV-IO.3SG-PRAGM |
/ |
IDP.3SG.M |
|
as if he had slaughtered her. (But in fact) he |
(96) |
yə-ǧǧ-ét |
tə-ddír-a |
/ |
3SG.M-leave.PFV-DO.3SG.F |
3SG.F-live.PFV-PRAGM |
/ |
|
left her alive. |
(97) |
[FS] |
t-fə́ttaš |
/ |
t-ṭəḅḅáḥ |
[FS] |
3SG.F-look_for.IPFV |
/ |
3SG.F-call.IPFV |
|
(The girl started) searching, she called out, |
(98) |
lá-di |
ḥídda |
i-təṃṃ-ás |
/ |
[FS] |
NEG-EXIST |
person.SG.M |
3SG.M-say.IPFV-IO.3SG |
/ |
[FS] |
|
there was no one, |
(99) |
imán-n-əs |
tt-ə́lla |
g |
ṣṣáḥṛa |
/ |
REFL-of-3SG |
3SG.F-exist |
in |
desert.SG.M |
/ |
|
she was alone in the desert, |
(100) |
ɣer |
g |
táṃɣaṛt |
/ |
t-ifá |
but |
in |
cave.SG.F |
/ |
3SG.F-find.PFV |
|
but in the cave. She found |
(101) |
tyaṛẓáṣt |
tə-ɣṛíṣ-a |
tə-ḷḷúẓ |
/ |
rabbit.SG.F |
3SG.F-slaughter.PFV-PRAGM |
3SG.F-be_hungry.PFV |
/ |
|
a slaughtered rabbit, she was hungry, |
(102) |
tə-ṣṣáy |
aksúm |
tə-bdú |
aččú |
ə́gd-əs |
/ |
3SG.F-take.PFV |
meat.SG.M |
3SG.F-start.PFV |
eat.VN |
in-3SG |
/ |
|
she took the meat, she started to eat it, |
(103) |
kə́llma_klləmtén |
ga-tə́-čč |
ḥə́bba |
ə́gd-əs |
/ |
word_two_words |
IRR-3SG.F-eat.AOR |
a_little |
in-3SG |
/ |
|
every once in a while, she would eat a bit of it. |
(104) |
t-ifá |
[FS] |
t-ʕəṭə́š |
tə-xsá |
3SG.F-find.PFV |
[FS] |
3SG.F-be_thirsty.PFV |
3SG.F-want.PFV |
|
She was thirsty, she wanted |
(105) |
amán |
/ |
t-fə́ttaš |
t-fə́ttaš |
/ |
water.PL.M |
/ |
3SG.F-look_for.IPFV |
3SG.F-look_for.IPFV |
/ |
|
some water. She kept searching, |
(106) |
tə-bdú |
abḥát |
g |
támart |
/ |
tə-bdú |
tiswí |
3SG.F-start.PFV |
dig.VN |
in |
land.SG.F |
/ |
3SG.M-start.PFV |
drink.VN |
|
she started digging in the ground. She started drinking |
(107) |
amán |
/ |
al::: |
di::: |
əlʔamír |
ǧir |
n |
əlmálək |
water.PL.M |
/ |
until |
EXIST |
emir.SG.M |
son.SG.M |
of |
king.SG.M |
|
water. Until (the moment) there was an emir, the son of the king, |
(108) |
i-ḅə́ṛṛəṃ |
s |
ágmar |
/ |
3SG.M-go_around.IPFV |
with |
horse.SG.M |
/ |
|
who was going around with (his) horse, |
(109) |
yə-ẓṛ-ét |
/ |
tə́-ʕǧb-as |
/ |
3SG.M-see.PFV-DO.3SG.F |
/ |
3SG.F-please.PFV-IO.3SG |
/ |
|
he saw her, she pleased him, |
(110) |
yə-ṣṣiy-ét |
/ |
í-ṛaḥ |
yən |
abbá-nn-əs |
3SG.M-take.PFV-DO.3SG.F |
/ |
3SG.M-go.PFV |
to |
father.SG.M-of-3SG |
|
he took her, he went to his father’s |
(111) |
yə-nǧf-ét |
// |
3SG.M-marry.PFV-DO.3SG.F |
// |
|
and married her. |
(112) |
t-iráw |
sə́bʕa |
n |
ikəḅḅán |
/ |
3SG.F-give_birth.PFV |
seven |
of |
boy.PL.M |
/ |
|
She gave birth to seven boys. |
(113) |
di |
ə́ǧǧən |
/ |
əlkah |
[FS] |
wihín |
amsiḥḥí |
/ |
EXIST |
one.M |
/ |
priest.SG.M [14] |
[FS] |
whatchacallit |
Christian.SG.M |
/ |
|
There was a person, a pri(est), whatchacallit, a Christian, |
(114) |
yə-xsá |
ɣer |
aqrab-ə́nn-əs |
/ |
3SG.M-want.PFV |
only |
grab.VN-of-3SG |
/ |
|
he just wanted to grab |
(115) |
taltí |
n |
əlʔamír |
n |
əlmálək |
// |
woman.SG.F |
of |
emir.SG.M |
of |
king.SG.M |
// |
|
the wife of the king’s emir. |
(116) |
yə-xsá |
g-i-qə́rb-et |
yáʕni |
/ |
3SG.M-want.PFV |
IRR-3SG.M-grab.AOR-DO.3SG.F |
I_mean |
/ |
|
He wanted to take her, I mean. |
(117) |
t-ugáy |
/ |
al |
təṛwáwen |
yə-zúr-ən |
/ |
əlwóqt |
3SG.F-refuse.PFV |
/ |
until |
child.PL.F |
3-grow.PFV-PL |
/ |
time.SG.F |
|
She refused. Until the boys grew up. When |
(118) |
wən |
təṛwáwen |
g-yə-zúr-ən |
ənnhaṛdin |
REL |
child.PL.F |
IRR-3-grow.AOR-PL |
in_the_past |
|
the boys grew up, at that time, |
(119) |
t [15] |
yə-ʕṃaṛ-ə́n |
/ |
g-yə́-ṃṃ-as |
i |
what |
3-do.PFV-PL |
/ |
IRR-3SG.M-say.AOR-IO.3SG |
to |
|
what did they do? (The emir) would say to |
(120) |
abbá-nn-əs |
hánta |
xs-əm |
? |
father.SG.M-of-3SG |
what |
want.PFV-2PL |
? |
|
his father: “What do you (all) want? |
(121) |
ṭləb |
wən |
yə́-xs-ən |
aqbə́l |
g-i-ṭáhr-ən |
/ |
ask.IMP |
REL |
3-want.PFV-PL |
before |
IRR-3-circumcise.AOR-PL |
/ |
|
Ask (them) what they want before they get circumcised. |
(122) |
lázəm |
aqbə́l |
aṭahár |
/ |
di |
ə́ṭḷəḅ |
it_is_needed |
before |
circumcise.VN |
/ |
EXIST |
ask.VN |
|
They have to ask before they get circumcised”. |
(123) |
g-yə-ṭə́ḷḅ-ən-t |
/ |
amsíḥḥi |
yə-ṃṃ-ásən |
IRR-3-ask.AOR-PL-DO.3SG.M |
/ |
Christian.SG.M |
3-say.PFV-IO.3PL |
|
The Christian told |
(124) |
i |
təṛwáwen |
ləwqáddin |
ǧiddí-twən |
to |
child.PL.F |
a_while_ago |
grandfather.SG.M-POSS.2PL |
|
the children: “A while ago your granfather |
(125) |
yə-ṃṃ-áwən |
tánta |
xs-əm |
? |
əṃṃá-m-as [16] |
3SG.M-say.PFV-IO.2PL |
what |
want.PFV-2PL |
? |
say.IMP-2PL-IO.3SG |
|
asked you: ‘what do you want?’. (Well, you all) tell him |
(126) |
nə-xsa |
aẓəṛṛá |
ɣer |
xalí-tnax |
/ |
ánni |
1PL-want.PFV |
see.VN |
only |
uncle.SG.M-POSS.1PL |
/ |
COMP |
|
‘We just want to see our uncle, so that |
(127) |
ga-ḅḅ-á-nknum [17] |
gá-ẓṛ-əm |
xalí-twən |
IRR-take.AOR-1SG-DO.2PL |
IRR-see.AOR-2PL |
uncle.SG.M-POSS.2PL |
|
I will take you and you will see your uncle |
(128) |
ga-sdul-á-nknum |
/ |
anni |
g-yə́-qqad |
IRR-let_come_back.AOR-1SG-DO.2PL |
/ |
COMP |
IRR-3SG.M-take.AOR |
|
and (then) I will let you come back” (so that he could take |
(129) |
əṃṃ-és |
d |
təṛwawén |
// |
mother.SG.F-POSS.3SG |
and |
child.PL.F |
// |
|
the mother and (her) children). |
(130) |
y-usə́d |
ǧə́ddi-s |
/ |
háyya |
awlád |
3-come.PFV |
grandfather.SG.M-POSS.3SG |
/ |
come_on |
boy.PL.M |
|
The grandfather came (and asked:) “Come on, boys, |
(131) |
ga-ṭáhr-am |
u |
xḷaṣ |
yomén |
tláta |
IRR-circumcise.AOR-2PL |
or |
stop |
two_days |
three |
|
you will be circumcised, two, three days more days |
(132) |
ga-n-ṭahr-áwən |
/ |
hánta |
xs-əm |
? |
IRR-1PL-circumcise.AOR-IO.2PL |
/ |
what |
want.PFV-2PL |
? |
|
and we will circumcise you. What do you want?” |
(133) |
yə-ṃṃá-n-as |
ənšní |
nə-xsá |
aẓəṛṛá |
3-say.PFV-PL-IO.3SG |
IDP.1PL |
1PL-want.PFV |
see.VN |
|
(The children) told him: “We just want to meet |
(134) |
xwalí-tnax |
/ |
yə-ṃṃ-ásən |
xḷaṣ |
/ |
yáḷḷa |
/ |
uncle.SG.M-POSS.1PL |
/ |
3-say.PFV-IO.3PL |
stop |
/ |
come_on |
/ |
|
our uncle”. He said: “Alright, let’s go!” |
(135) |
yə-ktr-ə́n |
amsíḥḥi |
/ |
yə-qqád-ən-t |
/ |
3-bring.PFV-PL |
Christian.SG.M |
/ |
3-take.PFV-PL-DO.3SG.M |
/ |
|
They (the emir and the king) brought the Christian, they took him, |
(136) |
yə-qqád-ən |
tálti |
/ |
yə-fl-ə́n |
/ |
|
3-take.PFV-PL |
woman.SG.F |
/ |
3-leave.PFV-PL |
/ |
||
they took the woman and they left. |
(137) |
yə-ṣṣaf̣f̣aṛ-ə́n |
yə-ḥḥ-ə́n |
anni |
g-yə́-ẓṛ-ən |
3-travel.PFV-PL |
3-go.PFV-PL |
COMP |
IRR-3-see.AOR-PL |
|
They traveled, in order to see |
(138) |
xwalí-tsən |
/ |
ššwaytén |
uncle.SG.M-POSS.3PL |
/ |
after_a_while |
|
their uncle. After a while, |
(139) |
i-mə́rq-ən |
g |
ankán |
3-reach.PFV-PL |
in |
place.SG.M |
|
they reached a place. |
(140) |
yə-ṃṃ-ás |
ah |
/ |
ga-ṭṭáwaʕ-ṭ-i |
3SG.M-say.PFV-IO.3SG |
yes |
/ |
IRR-obey.AOR-2SG-IO.1SG |
|
(The Christian) said: “Will you obey me |
(141) |
na |
ga-ɣə́ṛṣ-ʕ-am |
ə́ǧǧən |
n |
ǧir |
? |
or |
IRR-slaughter.AOR-1SG-IO.2SG.F |
one.M |
of |
son.SG.M |
? |
|
or will I slaughter one of the children? |
(142) |
tə-bdú |
aglás |
/ |
yə-ṃṃ-ás |
lá-gəlləs |
/ |
3SG.M-start.PFV |
cry.VN |
/ |
3SG.M-say.PFV-IO.3SG |
NEG-cry.IMP |
/ |
|
(The woman) started to cry. (The Christian) said: “Don’t cry, |
(143) |
na |
ga-ɣə́ṛṣ-ʕ-as |
i |
ǧir |
na |
or |
IRR-slaughter.AOR-1SG-IO.3SG |
to |
child.SG.M |
or |
|
either I will slaughter one child or |
(144) |
ga-ṭṭáwaʕ-ṭ-i |
/ |
yə-ṃṃ-ás |
IRR-obey.AOR-2SG-IO.1SG |
/ |
3SG.M-say.PFV-IO.3SG |
|
you will obey me”. He said: |
(145) |
ɣə́ṛṣ-as |
/ |
kull |
yom |
i-ɣə́ṛṛəṣ |
slaughter.IMP-IO.3SG |
/ |
every |
day.SG.M |
3SG.M-slaughter.IPFV |
|
“Slaughter him”. Every day he slaughtered |
(146) |
hánta |
? |
[laugh] |
ǧir |
/ |
al |
yə-qqwá-n |
/ |
|
what |
? |
[laugh] |
son.SG.M |
/ |
until |
3-finish.PFV-PL |
/ |
||
what? (One of the) son(s). Until there were no more. |
(147) |
yə-ṃṃ-ás |
xḷaṣ |
g |
axf-ə́nn-əm [18] |
/ |
na |
3SG.M-say.PFV-IO.3SG |
stop |
in |
head.SG.M-of-2SG.F |
/ |
or |
|
(The Christian) told her: “Now it’s your turn. |
(148) |
ga-ṭṭáwaʕ-ṭ-i |
na |
ga-ɣə́ṛṣ-ʕ-am |
? |
IRR-obey.AOR-2SG-IO.1SG |
or |
IRR-slaughter.AOR-1SG-IO.2SG.F |
? |
|
Will you obey me or will I slaughter you?” |
(149) |
tə́-ṃṃ-as |
ə́ṣṣbaṛ |
gá-ʕbb-ax |
/ |
3SG.F-say.PFV-IO.3SG |
wait.IMP |
IRR-wash.AOR-1SG |
/ |
|
She said: “Wait, I will do the ablutions, |
(150) |
ga-ẓáḷḷ-ax |
baʕd |
ams-ók |
ɣə́ṛṣ-i |
/ |
|
IRR-pray.AOR-1SG |
after |
this-2SG.M |
slaughter.IMP-IO.1SG |
/ |
||
I will pray and then, slaughter me!” |
(151) |
t-ṛaḥ |
tə-ṣṣáy |
əṭṭánǧṛət |
/ |
tə-ɣṛə́ṣ |
3SG.F-go.PFV |
3SG.F-take.PFV |
pot.SG.F |
/ |
3SG.F-slaughter.PFV |
|
She took the pot, she slaughtered |
(152) |
tyaẓə́ṭ |
/ |
t-ḥáṭṭ-as |
ḥə́bba |
n |
áman |
chicken.SG.F |
/ |
3SG.F-put.PFV-IO.3SG |
a_bit |
of |
water.PL.M |
|
a chicken, she put a bit of water, |
(153) |
tə-ǧǧ-ét |
t-bə́ršak |
/ |
tə-ḷḷúm |
3SG.F-leave.PFV-DO.3SG.F |
3SG.F-immerse.PFV |
/ |
3SG.F-gather.PFV |
|
she left it, she immerse (it). She gathered |
(154) |
əlḥal-ə́nn-əs |
/ |
tə-rwə́l |
/ |
ət-tə́zzəl |
stuff.SG.M-of-3SG |
/ |
3SG.F-flee.PFV |
/ |
3SG.F-run.IPFV |
|
her stuff, she ran away, |
(155) |
ət-tə́zzəl |
ət-tə́zzəl |
/ |
amsíḥḥi |
/ |
3SG.F-run.IPFV |
3SG.F-run.IPFV |
/ |
Christian.SG.M |
/ |
|
far, far away. The Christian |
(156) |
l-i-tbáh-a |
yə-ǧʕíl-a |
NEG-3SG.M-sleep.PFV-PRAGM |
3SG.M-think.PFV-PRAGM |
|
did not pay attention, he thought that she |
(157) |
əntátət |
/ |
tə́-ʕbbu |
/ |
IDP.3SG.F |
/ |
3SG.F-wash.IPFV |
/ |
|
was doing the ablutions, |
(158) |
əntátət |
tə-ɣṛíṣ-a |
IDP.3SG.F |
3SG.F-slaughter.PFV-PRAGM |
|
but she had slaughtered |
(159) |
tyaẓə́ṭ |
t-ḥaṭṭ-ít-a |
g |
bətta |
? |
|
chicken.SG.F |
3SG.F-put.PFV-DO.3SG.F-PRAGM |
in |
what |
? |
||
the chicken and put it where? |
(160) |
g |
əṭṭánǧṛət |
/ |
əlmuhumm |
tə-bdú |
ət-tákəl |
in |
pot.SG.F |
/ |
important.SG.M |
3SG.F-start.PFV |
3SG.F-walk.IPFV |
|
In the pot. Most importantly, she started to walk |
(161) |
ət-tákəl |
t-kim |
i |
šal |
xlaf |
3SG.F-walk.IPFV |
3SG.F-enter.PFV |
to |
country.SG.M |
different.SG.M |
|
a lot, she entered another town, |
(162) |
tə-f̣f̣áɣ-a |
/ |
tə-rwə́l |
af |
amsíḥḥi |
3SG.F-go_out.PFV-PRAGM |
/ |
3SG.M-flee.PFV |
on |
Christian.SG.M |
|
she had gone out, she had run away from the Christian, |
(163) |
xáḷəṣ |
// |
at_all |
// |
|
a lot. |
(164) |
ššwaytén |
t-ifá |
aggwíd |
ləʕǧúz |
i-ɣə́ṛṛ |
after_a_while |
3SG.F-find.PFV |
man.Sg.M |
old.SG.M |
3Sg.M-read.IPFV |
|
After a while, she found an old man who was reading |
(165) |
əlquʔrán |
/ |
tə-ʕə́nʕən |
səddw-ə́s |
/ |
tə-lsá |
Quran.SG.M |
/ |
3SG.F-sit.PFV |
beside-3SG.F |
/ |
3SG.F-wear.PFV |
|
the Quran and she sat close to him, she wore |
(166) |
əllə́bs |
n |
aggwídan |
/ |
tə-ʕṃáṛ-a |
alfáf |
/ |
cloth.PL.M |
of |
man.PL.M |
/ |
3SG.F-do.PFV-PRAGM |
turban.SG.M |
/ |
|
men’s clothes, she made a turban, |
(167) |
tə-lmə́d |
aḥfáṭ |
əlquʔrán |
/ |
sgən |
aggwíd |
3SG.M-learn.PFV |
recite.VN |
Quran.SG.M |
/ |
from |
man.SG.M |
|
she learned how to recite the Quran, from the old man. |
(168) |
šárəf |
/ |
tə-bdú |
aččú |
tiswí |
tə-ʕṃáṛ |
old.SG.M |
/ |
3SG.M-start.PFV |
eat.VN |
drink.VN |
3SG.F-do.PFV |
|
She started to eat, drink, she became |
(169) |
imán-n-əs |
aggwíd |
/ |
ággwid |
šárəf |
laʕmí |
REFL-of-3SG |
man.SG.M |
/ |
man.SG.M |
old.SG.M |
blind.SG.M |
|
herself (like) a man. The old man was blind, |
(170) |
l-í-ẓəṛṛ |
/ |
tə-ɣlá |
fəll-ás |
NEG-3SG.M-see.IPFV |
/ |
3SG.F-like.PFV |
on-IO.3SG |
|
he could not see. He liked her, |
(171) |
yə-ǧǧá |
díd-əs |
/ |
3SG.M-leave.PFV |
with-3SG |
/ |
|
he stayed with her, |
(172) |
tə-ḥfáṭ |
əlquʔrán |
/ |
aggwíd |
yə-mmúṭ |
/ |
3SG.F-recite.PFV |
Quran.SG.M |
/ |
man.SG.M |
3SG.M-die.PFV |
/ |
|
she recited the Quran. The old man died |
(173) |
əntátət |
tə-bdú |
hánta |
? |
IDP.3SG.F |
3SG.F-start.PFV |
what |
? |
|
(and) what did she start (doing)? |
(174) |
t-ɣəṛṛ |
əlquʔrán |
/ |
3SG.F-read.IPFV |
Quran.SG.M |
/ |
|
(She started) reading the Quran. |
(175) |
yə-bdú-n |
itadə́m |
s |
bʕid |
i-tasə́d-n-as |
/ |
3-start.PFV-PL |
people.PL.M |
from |
far |
3-come.IPFV-PL-IO.3SG |
/ |
|
People from far away started to come to her, |
(176) |
ánni |
g-i-sə́l-n-as |
/ |
tálti |
COMP |
IRR-3-listen.AOR-PL-IO.3SG |
/ |
woman.SG.F |
|
in order to listen to her. This woman, |
(177) |
tát-ok |
/ |
əntátət |
tə-ʕṃáṛ-a |
DEM.SG.F-2SG.M |
/ |
IDP.3SG.F |
3SG.F-do.PFV-PRAGM |
|
(well) she became |
(178) |
imán-n-əs |
aggwíd |
/ |
əllə́ḥla |
n |
REFL-of-3SG |
man.SG.M |
/ |
beauty.SG.M |
of |
|
herself (like) a man, (for) the beauty of |
(179) |
səwṭ-ə́nn-əs |
i-tás-ənd |
/ |
s |
əgdá |
voice.SG.M-of-3SG |
3-come.IPFV-PL |
/ |
from |
here |
|
her voice, they came from here, |
(180) |
s |
əgdá |
/ |
səg |
šaliwə́n |
xlaf |
/ |
from |
here |
/ |
from |
country.PL.M |
different.SG.M |
/ |
|
they came from there, they came from different countries. |
|||||||
(181) |
al::: |
ə́ǧǧən |
n |
ənnháṛ |
tə-ẓṛá |
bəttín |
|
until |
one.M |
of |
day.SG.M |
3SG.F-see.PFV |
who |
||
Until one day, who did she see, |
(182) |
yə-ḷḷumí-n-a |
sg |
itadə́m |
? |
aggwid-ə́nn-əs |
/ |
3-gather.PFV-PL-PRAGM |
from |
people.PL.M |
? |
man.SG.M-of-3SG |
/ |
|
gathered among the people? Her husband |
(183) |
d::: |
abbá-nn-əs |
n |
təṛwáwen |
/ |
d::: |
əlmálək |
/ |
and |
father.SG.M-of-3SG |
and |
child.PL.F |
/ |
and |
king.SG.M |
/ |
|
(the father of the children), the king, |
(184) |
əlli |
howa |
ǧíddi-s |
n |
təṛwáwen |
/ |
REL |
IDP.3SG.M |
granfather.SG.M-POSS.3SG |
of |
child.PL.F |
/ |
|
the one who was the gradfather of the children, |
(185) |
d |
amsíḥḥi |
/ |
d::: |
abbá-nn-əs |
/ |
and |
Christian.SG.M |
/ |
and |
father.SG.M-of-3SG |
/ |
|
the Christian, her father, |
(186) |
d |
áṃṃa-s |
/ |
tálti |
tlə́ʕǧust |
/ |
and |
brother.SG.M-POSS.3SG |
/ |
woman.SG.F |
old.SG.F |
/ |
|
her brother, the old woman, |
(187) |
d |
[FS] |
tálti |
tlə́ʕǧust |
wən |
tə-qqə́rqb-as |
/ |
and |
[FS] |
woman.SG.F |
old.SG.F |
REL |
3SG.F-knock.PFV-IO.3SG |
/ |
|
the old woman who knocked (at her door) |
(188) |
d |
aggwíd |
wən |
yə-qqə́rqb-as |
nnúba |
|
and |
man.SG.M |
REL |
3SG.M-knock.PFV-IO.3SG |
all |
||
and the man who knocked (at her door), everybody |
(189) |
i-llayəm-ín-a |
/ |
g |
ammás |
n |
itádəm |
/ |
3-meet.PFV-PL-PRAGM |
/ |
in |
middle |
of |
people.PL.M |
/ |
|
met among other people. |
(190) |
t-ɣəṛṛ |
t-ɣəṛṛ |
t-ɣəṛṛ |
nnúba |
3SG.F-read.IPFV |
3SG.F-read.IPFV |
3SG.F-read.IPFV |
all |
|
She (kept) reading, reading, reading. Everybody |
(191) |
i-sə́ll-ən |
/ |
lə́ḥla |
n |
sawṭ-ə́nn-əs |
/ |
3-listen.IPFV-PL |
/ |
beauty.SG.M |
of |
voice.SG.M-of-3SG |
/ |
|
was listening to the beauty of her voice. |
(192) |
báʕd-ma |
tə-xḷə́ṣ |
g |
aɣə́ṛṛa |
/ |
tə-ṃṃ-ás |
after-COMP |
3SG.F-finish.PFV |
in |
read.VN |
/ |
3SG.F-say.PFV-IO.3SG |
|
When she stopped reading, she said: |
(193) |
yaḷḷa |
ga-nə-xxḅáṛ-wət |
ḥə́bba |
/ |
kull |
əǧǧə́n |
come_on |
IRR-1PL-tell.AOR-2PL |
a_little |
/ |
every |
one.M |
|
“Come on, let’s tell (a story). Each one (of you) |
(194) |
[FS] |
g-i-xə́ḅḅaṛ |
tánta |
i-ṣaṛ-ás-a |
[FS] |
IRR-3SG.M-tell.AOR |
what |
3SG.M-happen.PFV-IO.3SG-PRAGM |
|
should say what happened |
(195) |
g |
əddənyət-ə́nn-əs |
// |
[FS] |
yə-ṃṃá-n-as |
yáḷḷa |
/ |
in |
life.SG.F-of-3SG |
// |
[FS] |
3-say.PFV-PL-IO.3SG |
come_on |
/ |
|
in his (/her) life”. They told her: “Come on, |
(196) |
šəm |
gá-bdu-ṭ |
úwwəlúwwəl |
/ |
tə-ṃṃ-ás |
IDP.2SG.F |
IRR-start.AOR-2SG |
first_of_all |
/ |
3SG.F-say.PFV-IO.3SG |
|
you start first”. She said: |
(197) |
xḷaṣ |
niš |
ga-xəḅḅṛ-ʕ-áwən |
/ |
i-ṣáṛ |
stop |
IDP.1SG |
IRR-tell.AOR-1SG-IO.2PL |
/ |
3SG.M-happen.PFV |
|
“Ok, I will tell you, it happened |
(198) |
i-sáṛ |
i-sáṛ |
i-ṣáṛ |
3SG.M-happen.PFV |
3SG.M-happen.PFV |
3SG.M-happen.PFV |
|
this and this |
(199) |
i-ṣáṛ |
i-ṣáṛ |
/ |
lá-t-təṃṃəl |
3SG.M-happen.PFV |
3SG.M-happen.PFV |
/ |
NEG-3SG.F-say.IPFV |
|
and so on.” (But) she did not tell |
(200) |
fəll-ás |
əntátət |
/ |
ət-tə́ṃṃəl |
di |
taltí |
on-IO.3SG |
IDP.3SG.F |
/ |
3SG.F-say.IPFV |
EXIST |
woman.SG.F |
|
that it was about her, she said: ‘There was a woman and |
(201) |
i-ṣáṛ-as |
ámsa |
d |
ámsa |
d |
ámsa |
/ |
3SG.M-happen.PFV-IO.3SG |
like_this |
and |
like_this |
and |
like_this |
/ |
|
this and this and this happened to her, |
(202) |
i-ṣáṛ |
i-ṣáṛ |
i-ṣáṛ |
3SG.M-happen.PFV |
3SG.M-happen.PFV |
3SG.M-happen.PFV |
|
and so on”. |
(203) |
i-ṣáṛ |
i-ṣáṛ |
/ |
ššwaytén |
/ |
|
3SG.M-happen.PFV |
3SG.M-happen.PFV |
/ |
after_a_while |
/ |
||
After a while, |
(204) |
tálti |
tlə́ʕǧust |
d |
ággwid |
/ |
šək [19] |
akəddáb |
woman.SG.F |
old.SG.F |
and |
man.SG.M |
/ |
IDP.2SG.M |
liar.SG.M |
|
the old woman and the man (told her): “You are a liar, |
(205) |
səg |
má |
ssn-aṭ |
žlan |
daw-í-ya |
? |
from |
where |
know.PFV-2SG |
speech.PL.M |
DEM-PL-PRAGM |
? |
|
from where do you know this story?” |
(206) |
šaṭṭ |
t-išə́ršaḥ |
akbər-ə́nn-əs |
tə-ṃṃ-ás |
šaṭṭ |
3SG.M-tear_off.PFV |
cloth.SG.M-of-3SG |
3SG.F-say.PFV-IO.3SG |
|
She tore off her clothes, she said: |
(207) |
niš |
bídu |
nə́tta |
/ |
tə-bʕád |
IDP.1SG |
also |
IDP.3SG.M |
/ |
3SG.F-tear.PFV |
|
“It’s me, indeed (behind this man).” She tore off |
(208) |
alfaf-ə́nn-əs |
/ |
tə-f̣f̣áɣ |
tálti |
/ |
turban.SG.M-of-3SG |
/ |
3SG.F-go_out.PFV |
woman.SG.F |
/ |
|
her turban, the woman came out. |
(209) |
n |
wən::: |
yə-qqərqb-n-ás-a |
/ |
amsíḥḥi |
of |
REL |
3-knock.PFV-PL-IO.3SG-PRAGM |
/ |
Christian.SG.M |
|
Those who knocked (at her door) and the Christian |
(210) |
i-ɣəṛṣ-ás-a |
təṛwawen-ə́nn-əs |
/ |
3SG.M-slaughter.PFV-IO.3SG-PRAGM |
child.PL.F-of-3SG |
/ |
|
who had slaughtered her children, |
(211) |
yə-ṭṭf-ə́n-tən |
/ |
ašə́bʕan |
/ |
3-apprehend.PFV-PL-DO.3PL |
/ |
rich.SG.M |
/ |
|
they apprehended them. (To) the rich, |
(212) |
i-ḥáṭṭ-n-as |
sən |
n |
tiḥə́zma |
n |
ṣɣáṛən |
3-put.PFV-PL-IO.3SG |
two |
of |
bundle.PL.F |
of |
wood.PL.M |
|
they put two bundles of wood |
(213) |
yə-ḥə́ṛq-ən-t |
/ |
afə́qṛi |
/ |
i-ḥáṭṭ-n-as |
3-burn.PFV-PL-DO.3SG.M |
/ |
poor.SG.M |
/ |
3-put.PFV-PL-IO.3SG |
|
and they burned him. (To) the poor, they put |
(214) |
ə́ǧǧət |
n |
tḥə́zmət |
n |
ṣɣáṛən |
yə-ḥə́ṛq-ən-t |
/ |
one.F |
of |
bundle.SG.F |
of |
wood.PL.M |
3-burn.PFV-PL-DO.3SG.M |
/ |
|
one bundle of wood and they burned him. |
(215) |
tə-dwə́l |
yən |
aggwid-ə́nn-əs |
/ |
t-šáḅəṭ |
3SG.F-come_back.PFV |
to |
man.SG.M-of-3SG |
/ |
3SG.F-hug.PFV |
|
(The woman) came back to her husband, she hugged |
(216) |
abbá-nn-əs |
/ |
yə́-ʕš-ən |
father.SG.M-of-3SG |
/ |
3SG.M-live.PFV-PL |
|
her father, they lived |
(217) |
[fi |
aman |
w |
tabat |
aw |
nabat |
/ |
xallifu |
ṣubyan |
u |
banat] |
[Ending formula in Arabic: in peace and security, they gave birth to boys and girls]. |
<17>
The list of features in the first part of this paper has shown how Siwi folktales fit with the broader characteristics that have been found to be typical in North African folktales, showing that this kind of oral production is constantly influenced and transmitted between different peoples who may even live far away from each other. Nevertheless, the folktale presented above also enriches our knowledge of Siwi literary tradition because it contains elements not found in the Siwi texts collected until now, such as the presence of different religious people who are sometimes connoted positively, and other times negatively.
<18>
Moreover, the presence or Arabic riddles and ending formulas confirms how this kind of oral production influences and in turn is being influenced by surrounding communities. It is auspicable that in the near future we will have more data on the oral literary production of the non-Siwi communities living in the oasis (such as Bedouins living in the peripheral areas of the oasis). This would allow us to understand whether this influence is limited to specific/functional parts of the folktale only, or whether it is taking place on a larger scale. The paper aims at making a small contribution to filling this gap in an area which still requires a lot of investigation.
AOR |
aorist |
COMP |
complementizer |
DEM |
demonstrative |
DO |
direct object |
EXIST |
existential |
F |
feminine |
FS |
false start |
IDP |
independent pronoun |
IMP |
imperative |
IO |
indirect object |
IPFV |
imperfective |
IRR |
irrealis |
M |
masculine |
PFV |
perfective |
PL |
plural |
POSS |
possessive |
PRAGM |
pragmatic relevance marker |
PROG |
progressive |
N |
noun |
NEG |
negative |
REL |
relative |
SG |
singular |
VOC |
vocative |
VN |
verbal noun |
1 |
first person |
2 |
second person |
3 |
third person |
/ |
end of a minor prosodic unit |
// |
end of a major prosodic unit |
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Quelques faits de grammaticalisation en berbère. Grammaticalisation et reconstruction. In Mémoires de la Société de Linguistique de Paris, pp.103-121
Kossmann, Maarten 2000
A study of Eastern Moroccan Fairy Tales. Helsinki: Academia Scientiarium Fennica
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Le conte kabyle. Etude ethnologique. Paris: Editions La Découverte
Laoust Émile 1931
Siwa : son parler. Paris: Leroux.
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Oasis Siwa: from the inside. Traditions, customs & magic. Egypt: Al Katan
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Acoustically Based Phonemics of Siwi (Berber). Köln: Rüdiger Köppe Verlag
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[1] I wish to thank here the narrator of this tale and all the speakers of Siwi who have helped me throughout the years I spent conducting my research.
[2] For a more thorough analysis of different aspects of the Siwi language, the reader might refer to Laoust 1931, Vycichl 2005, Naumann 2012, Souag 2013, Schiattarella 2017, as well as to all the works cited throughout the paper. The list is not intended to be exhaustive.
[3] The symbols used in the examples do not always correspond to the ones used in IPA, namely: š [ʃ]; ž [ʒ]; y [j]; č [ʧ]; ǧ [ʤ ]; x [χ]; ɣ[ʁ]; ḥ [ʜ]; ʕ[ʢ]; h [ɦ]. Moreover, pharyngealization is marked here with a subscribed dot, while in IPA, it is marked by a raised ʕ [ˁ]. For example: ḅ=bˁ.
[4] In this article, the accent has been marked using an acute accent. Accent on nouns in Siwi is not fixed and does not depend on the syllable weight. The accent can in fact fall on the last or penultimate syllable. When a vowel is long and stressed, only the length diacritic will be used (ex. ā).
[5] 3SG.M/F and 3PL direct object clitics also follow two different paradigms, depending on the fact that they follow the verb stem or other suffixes. See for example yə-ǧǧ-ə́ n-tə t : 3-leave.PFV-PL-DO.3SG.F ‘they left her’ and yə- xsá g-iqə́ rb-et : 3SG.M-want.PFV IRR-3SG.M-grab.AOR-DO.3SG.F ‘he wanted to grab her’ (116). See Souag 2013: 46 for an overview on the Siwi pronouns.
[6] The verb ‘to go’ is grammaticalized in Siwi (Schiattarella 2015: 95), like in other Berber languages (Chaker 1997: 110) and is used to express that the action is imminent.
[7] Demonstratives in Siwi have a very rare typological feature: the addressee agreement. If the addressee is a male, the suffix is -ok, if a female, the suffix is -om, if there is more than one person -erwən. A suffix -a (-ya) is also possible, when the speaker does not share the information with the addressee or when the speaker refers to abstract referents (see Souag 2013: 138-151, 2014a, 2014b; Schiattarella 2017: 33-34).
[8] The -a suffix, here glossed PRAGM, can be attached to verbs, adjectives, demonstratives, quantifiers and to the existential particle di ‘there is’ or ‘ɣuṛ-‘at’+pronouns’, indicating possession. Its function for all this categories is to mark pragmatic relevance for the speaker. See Schiattarella (forthcoming) for more details.
[9] When a verb at 1SG is followed by an indirect object clitic, the personal clitic is -(a)ʕ instead of -(a)x.
[10] The noun following ɣəṛṣ ‘to slaughter’ can be both a direct or indirect object. In the latter case, the indirect object pronoun is obligatory suffixed to the verb and the lexical indirect object is preceded by the preposition i ‘to’. The choice between direct and indirect complements is often determined by semantic properties, like animacy and definiteness. Direct objects are favoured with non-human and/or non-identifiable nouns, while indirect objects are preferred with human and/or identifiable nouns. When the indirect pronoun is not co-referential to the noun that follows the verb (the object of slaughtering), the noun following the verb is a direct object (without i), even if human and/or identifiable (see 141 and 210).
[11] idammən ‘blood’, as well as most liquids, is plural in Siwi. That is why the direct object pronoun here is -tən (3PL): ga-swáx-t ən, lit. ‘I will drink them’.
[12] The verb aɣ ‘to take’ is here grammaticalized and used with the meaning of ‘to do the action of’. The verb ‘to give’ is also grammaticalized in this sense. See for example: y-uš-as ačču ‘he did the action of eating, he started to eat’, lit. ‘he gave him to eat’.
[13] The interrogative word mani ‘where’, sometimes preceded by a preposition (g ‘in’ mani, sg ‘from’, i ‘to’) can be reduced to ma, like in this passage (g ma instead of g mani) or to m alone ‘i m əttḥ-aṭ (to where go.IPFV-2SG) ‘where are you going?’.
[14] wihin (SG.M/PL); tihin (SG.F) is a placeholder word used when the speaker has temporarily forgotten what to say. The speaker was about to say əlkahin ‘priest’ rather than ‘Christian’.
[15] The interrogative word for ‘what’ tanta, can be reduced to ta: ta taʕṃaṛ ‘what does she do?’ or t alone, if followed by a word starting with a vowel, like in this example.
[16] When an imperative is followed by an indirect object, the plural -wət is replaced by -m- (Souag 2013: 195-196).
[17] When the verb is 1SG and has the 2SG.M/F or 2PL direct object, the suffix is just a (instead of -(a)x and the direct object clitic does not follow the usual paradigm, but the independent pronouns are used instead (in this case ənknum ‘you (all)’).
[18] axfi is the word for ‘head’, but when followed by the possessive pronoun, it can also be translated with ‘turn’: axf-ənnaw ‘my turn’, axf-ənnək ‘your turn (M), etc.’.
[19] The 2SG.M form of the independent pronoun is used here because people think the protagonist is a man, as she is wearing men’s clothes.
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