On the verbal system of Gashua Bade
urn:nbn:de:0009-0-45446
Abstract
This paper is an outline of the verbal system of the Gashua dialect of Bade, a West Chadic-B language spoken in the area in and around Gashua in northern Yobe State, Nigeria. Bade is dialectally quite diverse and might be considered to be a group of closely related languages rather than a single language. Overviews of the verbal systems of languages from the Bade-Ngizim group are available for Western Bade (Schuh 2007), Ngizim (Schuh 1971) and Duwai, posted by Schuh (2008) on the internet. Therefore, this paper fills a gap in descriptions of the verbal systems of languages from this linguistic group, which though similar, have interesting differences and are important from a comparative Chadic perspective.
Zusammenfassung
In diesem Artikel wird das Verbalsystem des Gashua Bade, einer westtschadischen B Sprache des nördlichen Bundesstaates Yobe, Nigeria, dargestellt. Bade ist dialektal äußerst divers und wird manchmal auch als eine Gruppe von eng verwandten Sprachen angesehen. Beschreibungen der Verbalsysteme von Sprachen der Bade-Ngizim Gruppe sind bereits vorhanden für das Western Bade (Schuh 2007), Ngizim (Schuh 1971) und Duwai (Schuh 2008). Obwohl die Verbalsysteme dieser Sprachen ähnlich sind, zeigen sich dennoch interessante Unterschiede, die vor allem aus einer komparativen Perspektive wichtig sind.
<1>
In this paper a brief overview of the verbal system of Gashua Bade is given. The aim is to outline the major differences between the verbal systems of Gashua Bade and Western Bade, as described in Schuh (2007). Gashua Bade is a West Chadic sub-branch B language (Newman 1990), spoken in northern Yobe State, Nigeria. Together with Ngizim, Duwai and the extinct languages Teshena, Auyo and Shira (Broß 1997, Schuh 2001) it constitutes the Bade-Ngizim group. Gashua Bade and Central Bade, form a dialect continuum called Northern Bade. Although Central Bade has many linguistic features in common with Gashua Bade, it also shares some features with Western Bade. Another main dialect variety is Southern Bade. However, Bade is dialectally very diverse, to the extent that one could also speak of several 'Bade languages”. For a detailed discussion of Bade dialects see Schuh (1981). The major languages, which are adjacent to the Bade speaking area, are Kanuri in the East, and Hausa in the West. The history of north-eastern Nigeria, as well as linguistic scrutiny suggests that Bade is heavily influenced by its neighbouring languages in several linguistic domains. Besides borrowing of content words and a high amount of function words, the linguistic influence of Hausa and Kanuri on Bade becomes also evident in some grammatical domains, e.g. borrowing of derivational morphology (Schuh 2011, Ziegelmeyer 2009a, 2009b, 2009c, 2010). The data presented in this article predominantly come from my fieldwork in northern Yobe State during the years 2008 to 2010 [1] which consist of free interviews, e.g. narratives, and grammatical elicitations. Further examples are drawn from unpublished texts which were recorded and transcribed by Russell Schuh (2008).
<2>
In §2 brief remarks on the typology of Bade are given. §3 illustrates the framework for the grouping of verb classes in Bade, while in §4 the specific characteristics (i.e. form and function) of Gashua Bade TAMs are outlined. §5 shows examples for the use of intransitive copy pronouns, and in §6 several verbal extensions are discussed. §7 shows the formation of so called pluractionals. Finally in §8 major features of the verbal systems of Gashua Bade and Western Bade are contrasted.
<3>
Bade has the basic word order SVO, and case is not morphologically marked. It is rather an aspectual than a tense language, where temporal aspectual information is encoded in distinctions in tone and final vowel of verbs, accompanied by distinct preverbal subject agreement clitics and in some cases auxiliaries.
<4>
The framework for the grouping of verb classes in Bade comes from Lukas (1970-72), who established five verb classes in Bole. According to Schuh (2007) these five verb classes are at least reconstructable for proto-West Chadic. Reflexes of this system are found in Bade and several other West Chadic languages. The different classes are particularly reflected in certain TAM-forms of the verb. The perfective provides the basis for identifying different verb classes, which are labelled with capital letters A to D. Classes A and B can be sub-classified with respect to word and syllable structure (labelled with numbers and small letters). Table 1 illustrates the verb classes of Gashua Bade and in Table 2 several examples are given.
Table 1: Verb classes of Gashua Bade |
||
Verb class |
Root |
Ending |
A1 |
CVC |
-u |
A2 |
CVVC, roots with more than two Cs |
-u |
B1 |
CVC |
-au [2] |
B2 |
CVVC |
-au |
C |
CV |
-u |
D |
CV |
-au |
Table 2: Examples of different verbs in Gashua Bade |
|||||
Verb class |
Verb |
Gloss |
Class |
Verb |
Gloss |
A1 |
màsu [3] |
buy |
B1 |
bàtau |
suffice |
ǝ̀bdu |
ask |
ǝ̀zgau |
know |
||
A2a |
kàadu |
bite |
B2 |
càakau |
weave cloth |
kòotu |
call |
||||
A2b |
càptu |
collect |
C |
ju |
go |
ǝ̀gbǝ̀ɗu |
pound guinea corn |
||||
A2c |
kàlàktu |
return |
D |
bǎu |
get |
ǝ̀zvàvìyu |
wash grain |
sau |
drink |
<5>
Gashua Bade has six different TAM categories in affirmative sentences. In negative sentences only four of the six TAMs occur. Negation is realized by means of a clause-final negation marker bai or its variants pai and ɓai, respectively. There are a few exceptions where the negation marker can be followed by other operators. Especially various conjunctions may follow the negation marker bai which in course is monophthongized to bii, e.g. bii kwàyà = bii dà 'or', bìi ni 'if it’s not the case that'. Table 3 outlines the TAM-categories of Gashua Bade.
Table 3: TAM-categories in Gashua Bade |
|||
Affirmative |
Negative |
||
perfective |
perfective |
+ |
bai |
imperfective |
imperfective |
+ |
bai |
progressive/habitual |
progressive/habitual |
+ |
bai |
subjunctive |
second subjunctive |
+ |
bai |
second subjunctive |
|||
imperative |
second subjunctive |
+ |
bai |
<6>
The primary indicators for TAMs are tone patterns and final vowels of verbs. Further indicators are different preverbal subject agreement clitics and/or auxiliaries with TAM-specific characteristics. In the following sections the TAM-specific features are outlined.
The perfective is characterized by the verb-final vowels -u or -au (in medial position often - ǝ and - a ) and a (…L)-H tone pattern. The specific subject agreement clitics are summarized in Table 4.
Table 4: Perfective subject agreement clitics |
|||
1sg |
nǝ, nǝ̀, nǝn, nǝ̀n |
1excl |
jǝ̀, jǝ̀n |
1incl |
gù, gùn |
||
2m |
kǝ |
2pl |
wùn |
2f |
|||
3m |
(acî) |
3pl |
|
3f |
(atû) |
<7>
First person subject clitics ending in -n are used when the verb begins in a consonant (example 1), otherwise the short forms are used (example 2). The tone of first person singular subject clitics is polar to the tone in the first syllable of the following verb. Note that in West Chadic languages the perfective of third persons is usually expressed by bare verbs, i.e. without subject agreement clitics (Schuh 2007). Gashua Bade is unusual in this respect, since even in simple declarative sentences overt subject agreement clitics of third persons are preferred (example 3). However, they are never used, when the subject is expressed by an overt nominal (example 4).
(1) |
tau |
eat |
nǝ̀n |
ta |
kajlùwà |
||||||||
1sg |
eat.perf |
mush |
|||||||||||
I ate mush |
|||||||||||||
(2) |
ǝ̀r̃bùtu |
write |
nǝ-r̃bùtǝ |
wàsiikàa |
|||||||||
1sg-write.perf |
letter |
||||||||||||
I wrote a letter |
|||||||||||||
(3) |
gàfau |
catch |
acî |
gàfa |
vǝ̀nàkau |
||||||||
3m |
catch.perf |
fish |
|||||||||||
he caught a fish |
|||||||||||||
(4) |
Muusaa |
gàfa |
vǝ̀nàkau |
||||||||||
Musa |
catch.perf |
fish |
|||||||||||
Musa caught a fish |
|||||||||||||
*Muusaa |
acî |
gàfa |
vǝ̀nàkau |
||||||||||
Musa |
3m |
catch.perf |
fish |
||||||||||
<8>
In Gashua Bade and in Western Bade the negative perfective uses the same set of subject clitics as the perfective. However, while Gashua Bade uses the regular terminations - u and -o (> - ǝ and -a in medial position) marking verb class, in Western Bade verbs of all classes add the termination - àaCa-, where C is a copy of the stem-final consonant. In addition to this, Gashua Bade uses the clause-final negation marker bai (examples in 5), whereas in Western Bade the most frequent mark of negation is -m added to the end of the clause (examples in 6).
(5) |
ǝ̀r̃bùtu |
write |
nǝ-r̃bùtǝ |
wàsiikàa |
bai |
|||
1sg-write.perf |
letter |
neg |
||||||
I didn’t write a letter |
||||||||
gàfau |
catch |
acî |
gàfà |
bai |
||||
3m |
catch.perf |
neg |
||||||
he didn’t catch (it) |
(6) |
Western Bade |
|||
màsu |
buy |
màsàasa-m |
||
buy.perf-neg |
||||
didn’t buy |
||||
gàfo |
catch |
gàfàafa-m |
||
catch.perf-neg |
||||
didn’t catch |
<9>
The perfective expresses notions of anteriority, completion, temporal limitations with active verbs but result-state with stative verbs (example 5). The canonical use of the perfective is to report completed events in non-complex, often mono-clausal statements. However, TAMs in Bade are unspecific for tense and the deictic notion of past-time event is relative to a given time-point. The reference time is usually the moment of speaking, and unless there is a context to the contrary, the perfective can be translated with English past or present perfect. If the reference time is in the past or in the future, the perfective can be translated with English pluperfect or future perfect, respectively.
<10>
Primary indicators for the imperfective are a set of subject agreement clitics in first and second persons, and TAM-specific auxiliaries in third persons (Table 5). The tones of first person singular and third persons are polar to the initial tone of the following verbal noun. First person plural and second persons always have L tone clitics. Vowel length of the clitics is also conditioned by the initial tone of the verbal noun, i.e. short before an initial H tone and long before an initial L tone.
Table 5: Imperfective subject agreement clitics and auxiliaries |
|||
1sg |
nà, na, nàa, naa |
1excl |
jà, jàa |
1incl |
gwà, gwàa |
||
2m |
yà, yàa |
2pl |
wùnà, wùnàa |
2f |
mà, màa |
||
3m |
(acî) à, a, àa, aa |
3pl |
(aks/cì) à, a, àa, aa |
3f |
(atû) à, a, àa, aa |
<11>
The imperfective is also characterized by the use of a verbal noun (§4.4.) rather than a finite verb. Therefore, in the imperfective a construction of a verbal noun and a direct object is identical to a genitive construction (example 7). Also a pronominal direct object is realized with a genitive pronoun in the imperfective (example 8), but with a direct object pronoun in the perfective (example 9). Note that third person auxiliaries are also used when the subject is expressed by an overt nominal (example 7).
(7) |
Paatǝmà |
aa-bǝ̀nà-k |
àwai |
Fatima |
aux-cook.vn.imperf-gen |
sauce |
|
Fatima will cook sauce |
(8) |
naa-bd-aalì |
< |
[naa + ǝ̀bdà + aalì] |
|
1sg-ask.vn.imperf-gen3m |
||||
I will ask him |
||||
(9) |
nǝ̂-bd-acî |
< |
[nǝ + ǝ̀bdu + acî] |
|
1sg-ask.perf-do3m |
||||
I asked him |
<12>
In Gashua Bade the previous reference marker (PRM) *-ku (> - w(u)) is added to the verbal noun, when the object of a transitive verb is not overtly realized (example 10). Note that Western Bade does not add the previous reference marker in constructions of this type.
(10) |
nà-taksà-w |
1sg-tie.vn.imperf-prm |
|
I will tie (it) up |
<13>
The imperfective denotes an event that is not completed at the time of reference and highlights the internal time-structuring of the situation relative to a given time point. The English translation may be progressive or future. The imperfective partially overlaps with the progressive/habitual (§4.3.). Note that in several Chadic languages, e.g. Ngizim, the imperfective denotes future, progressive and habitual events. This is not the case in Gashua Bade, where the imperfective is predominantly used for events which will take place in the future (examples 11 and 12), whereas the progressive/habitual is used for progressive or habitual events. [4]
(11) |
sànak |
nàa-ɗǝbdà-k |
goomâk-ǝnkau |
|||||
tomorrow |
1sg-buy.vn.imperf-gen |
ram-dem |
||||||
tomorrow I will buy this ram |
||||||||
(12) |
yàa-bda-w |
kwàayà, |
tanuu |
ɗaa-gwà |
||||
2m.ask.vn.imperf-prm |
cond |
now |
town-poss1incl |
|||||
wùɗ-ùw |
màma |
Gàsiiwà |
bìi |
bi? |
||||
name-prm |
comp |
Gashua |
neg |
q |
||||
if you will ask, now, isn’t the name of our town Gashua? |
(13) |
aksi |
tà- vǝ̀lii |
lawà, |
aks-a-lawà, |
|
3pl |
aux-go.out.sub.for |
run.vn |
3pl-aux-run.vn.imperf |
||
aks-a-lawà, |
aks-a-lawà |
ii |
|||
3pl-aux-run.vn.imperf |
3pl-aux-run.vn.imperf |
to |
|||
ɗàa |
jàk |
wunya |
|||
town |
associated.with |
girl |
|||
they set out for running, and they were running and running to the town of the girl |
(14) |
àa-nee [5] |
ɗàa-ksi |
nà, |
atu |
teek-i |
tà- ɗùwàtl-i |
aux-go.vn.imperf.to |
town-poss3pl |
when |
3f |
aux.see-sub |
aux-tire-sub |
|
when she was going to her town, she recognized that she was tired |
<14>
The primary indicator for the progressive/habitual is a preverbal auxiliary và/va which is preceded by an independent pronoun (Table 6). Like the imperfective (§4.2.), the progressive/ habitual uses a verbal noun (§4.4.) rather than a finite verb, and a following direct object is realized by means of a genitive construction. It seems that tone of the auxiliary và/va follows the same rules as the third person clitics of the imperfective, i.e. polar to the initial tone of the following verbal noun.
Table 6: Subject agreement clitics and auxiliaries of the progressive/habitual |
|||
1sg |
nii và, va |
1excl |
jà và, va |
1incl |
gwà và, va |
||
2m |
gìi và, va |
2pl |
wùnà và, va |
2f |
gǝ̀m và, va |
||
3m |
(acî) và, va |
3pl |
(aks/cì) và, va |
3f |
(atû) và, va |
<15>
The progressive/habitual in Gashua Bade is an innovation. Corresponding forms are absent from Western Bade, where progressive and future events are expressed by the imperfective, and also from closely related Ngizim, where the imperfective expresses progressive, future and habitual events. Note also that Western Bade has a habitual verbal extension which is absent in both Gashua Bade, and Ngizim. It is likely that the split in Gashua Bade into imperfective and progressive/habitual is conditioned by contact with Hausa which exhibits future expressing tense (future-time reference) and a range of modal (attitudinal) meanings, as well as imperfective encompassing dimensions of durativity (action-in-progress) and habituality (cf. footnote 3). The source of the progressive/habitual marker in Gashua Bade is not totally clear. It is argued in Tarbutu (2004) that the progressive marker và = gvà comes from the verb ǝ̀gvu 'fall'. However, this hypothesis would constitute a cross-linguistically rare or even unique grammaticalization process. The following sentences illustrate the progressive (examples 15-18) and habitual (example 19) use of this TAM-form.
(15) |
aksǝ̀ |
tàks-ǝ |
koor̃au |
aksǝ̀ |
|||
3pl |
tie-perf |
donkey |
3pl |
||||
và -waanyà-k |
any-uw, |
và-waanyà-k |
any-uw |
||||
aux-milk.vn.prog-gen |
milk-prm |
aux-milk.vn.prog-gen |
milk-prm |
||||
they tied up the donkey, and they were milking and milking (her) milk |
(16) |
ǹda |
a |
gàaku, |
ǹda |
a |
gàaku |
àman |
gàawa, |
|
people |
at |
place |
people |
at |
place |
year |
many |
||
ǹda |
va-jlǝ̀mi |
kalvà |
a |
gàaku |
|||||
people |
aux-make.vn.prog |
chieftaincy |
at |
place |
|||||
it was like this for many years, and the chieftaincy was presiding at (this) place |
(17) |
aawun-nàa |
jǝ̀bǝ-tkwà, |
nii |
và-ɗaaktà-w |
corn-poss1sg |
spill.perf-body |
1sg |
aux-pick.one.by.one.vn.prog-prm |
|
my corn was spilled, and I was picking one by one |
(18) |
acì |
vaa-bdà-w [6] |
màma |
gaaɗa |
kǝ̀m? |
3m |
aux-ask.vn.prog-prm |
comp |
because.of |
q |
|
why is he asking? |
(19) |
ǝ̀bjlǝm |
dǝ |
kàyak |
aksì |
và-nee |
balà |
hyena |
and |
squirrel |
3pl |
aux.go.vn.prog.to |
hunting |
|
the hyena and the squirrel used to go for hunting |
<16>
Gashua Bade has several patterns for the formation of verbal nouns. Although the relation between stem shape and verbal noun type is to some extend predictable, a given stem shape may also prefer a different verbal noun type. A comprehensive discussion of verbal nouns is beyond the scope of this paper. [7] Table 7 shows the most productive patterns of verbal nouns in Gashua Bade, i.e. verbal nouns ending in - à , and verbal nouns ending in - i. Note that monoconsonantal roots add a suffix - ’yi rather than just changing the vowel to -i. Furthermore, the vowel of in the root of the verbs in the second column becomes ǝ, presumably by assimilation to the final -i.
Table 7: Verbal nouns ending in -à and -i |
||||||
Perfective |
Verbal noun |
Gloss |
Perfective |
Verbal noun |
gloss |
|
nau |
nà |
count |
tau |
tǝ̀’yi |
eat |
|
bàlu |
balâ |
hunt |
bau |
bǝ̀’yi |
give |
|
làwau |
lawà |
run |
tàsau |
tǝ̀si |
find |
|
kìiɗu |
kiiɗâ |
eat (e.g. meat) |
kàtau |
kǝ̀ti |
return |
|
tàksu |
taksâ |
tie |
bàlu |
bǝ̀li |
give |
|
bǝ̀nu |
bǝ̀nà |
cook |
ǝ̀zgau |
sǝ̀gi |
know |
|
ǝ̀bzu |
ǝ̀bzà |
put, place |
m̀tu |
mǝ̀ti |
die |
|
bǝ̀r̃tǝ̀nu |
bǝr̃tǝnà |
turn around |
||||
sǝ̀nòotu |
sǝ̀nòotà |
recognize |
<17>
Primary indicators for the subjunctive are the verb-final vowel -i, and (…L)H tone pattern. In addition to this, the subjunctive has a specific set of preverbal clitics (Table 8). The forms with a long vowel are used with some class D verbs, e.g. nau 'count' and dau 'remove'. In third persons preverbal tà/tàa is also used when the subject is realized by an overt nominal.
Table 8: Subjunctive subject agreement clitics and auxiliaries |
||||
1sg |
nà, nàa |
1excl |
jà, jàa |
|
1incl |
gwà, gwàa |
|||
2m |
kà, kàa |
2pl |
wùnà |
|
2f |
||||
3m |
(acî) tà, tàa |
3pl |
(aks/cì) tà, tàa |
|
3f |
(atû) tà, tàa |
<18>
In Bade and several other Chadic languages the subjunctive has a wide range of functions. Following Schuh (2003:20) the basic function can be summarized as "signalling an event which will have its inception subsequent to the moment of speaking and/or to an event in a superordinate clause".
In Gashua Bade the basic functions of the subjunctive comprise:
-
expression of wishes or requests,
-
complements to the verb ǹcu 'want, like, love' and other expressions of necessity, propriety,
-
‘before’-clauses introduced with kàabdǝ ̀r̃ ò, kàabòo 'before',
-
purpose clauses introduced with gàaɗàk 'in order to”,
-
expression of events which are in direct sequence to another event, irrespective of the TAM of the preceding event.
(20) |
Kàaka |
tà-m̀bàanàat-iigì! |
God |
aux-help-sub.you |
|
may God help you (2m)! |
(21) |
acî |
ǹcu |
tà-kwt-atù |
ii |
patlà |
bai |
3m |
want.perf |
aux-take-sub.her |
to |
marriage |
neg |
|
he doesn’t want to marry her |
(22) |
bǝ̀lân |
pùkar̃ǝr̃ǝn |
tà-naì [8] |
ǝ̀bzǝ̀ku |
it.is.good |
students |
aux-come.sub |
today |
|
it is good, that the students come today |
(23) |
kàabdǝ̀r̃ò |
nàa-vǝ̀l-i, |
barìi |
nàa-tk-i |
vǝ̀ɗau |
before |
1sg-go.out-sub |
let |
1sg-kill-sub |
urine |
|
before I go out, let me (first) urinate |
(24) |
aksì |
dàawau |
aksì |
tà-kwt-i |
kare-nsì |
3pl |
come.perf |
3pl |
aux-take-sub |
goods-poss.3pl |
|
they came, and (then) they took their goods |
<19>
The subjunctive is negated by the second subjunctive (§4.7.), except for its function as a marker of sequence. In this case the negative perfective or negative imperfective is used.
<20>
Primary indicators for the imperative are the verb-final vowels -i (sg.) and - a (pl.) and a (…L)H tone pattern. The imperative is also characterized by the preverbal clitics à-, a- (àa-, aa- with certain verbs, e.g. làgu 'stop') for second person singular and plural. The tone of the proclitic is polar to the first tone of the verbal base. In Gashua Bade also the first person plural inclusive has an imperative form characterized by the proclitic gwà -. The imperative expresses commands, exhortations, etc. Negative command is expressed by the second subjunctive (§4.7.).
(25) |
a-jlàɓ-i |
a-jlàɓ-a |
gwà-jlàɓ-a |
aux-sit.down-imp.sg |
aux-sit.down-imp.pl |
1incl-sit.down-imp.pl |
|
sit down!(2m and 2f) |
sit down!(2pl) |
let’s sit down! |
|
(26) |
aa-làg-i! |
aa-làg-a! |
|
aux-stop-imp.sg |
aux-stop-imp.pl |
||
stop! (2m and 2f) |
stop! (2pl) |
(27) |
amarya-w |
và-zǝ̀nà-w |
màma: |
‘gwà-zǝ̀n-a!’ |
young.woman-prm |
aux-say.vn.prog-prm |
comp |
1incl-say-imp.pl |
|
the young woman was saying: let’s say (it)! |
<21>
Note that Western Bade requires gender/number marking suffixes with imperatives, e.g. catch! à-gàf-ii (2m), à-gàfǝ-m (2f), à-gàfa-wà (1incl), à-gàfa-wun (2pl).
<22>
Primary indicators for the second subjunctive are the verb-final vowel - a and a (…L)H tone pattern. The second subjunctive is also characterized by a specific set of preverbal clitics (Table 9).
Table 9: Subject agreement clitics and auxiliaries of the second subjunctive |
||||
1sg |
nǝ̀ |
1excl |
jǝ̀ |
|
1incl |
gwǝ̀ |
|||
2m |
kǝ̀ |
2pl |
wùnǝ̀ |
|
2f |
||||
3m |
(acî) tǝ̀ |
3pl |
(aks/cì) tǝ̀ |
|
3f |
(atû) tǝ̀ |
<23>
The basic function of the second subjunctive is to replace the subjunctive (except for its function as a marker of sequence) and the imperative in negated clauses (examples 28-31). In Gashua Bade negation of the second subjunctive is realized by the marker bai, whereas Western Bade suffixes the negation marker - m to the verb (example 32).
(28) |
a-jlàɓ-i! |
kǝ̀-jlàɓ-a |
bai! |
aux-sit.down-imp.sg |
2sg-sit.down-sub2 |
neg |
|
sit down! |
do not sit down! |
(29) |
kǝ̀-tùwày-a |
bai! |
2sg-forget-sub2 |
neg |
|
don’t forget (it)! |
(30) |
nǝ̀n-dǝ̀ps-ǝ |
tâgwda-w |
gàaɗàk |
acî |
tǝ̀- ba |
bai |
1sg-hide-perf |
money-prm |
in.order.to |
3m |
aux-find.sub2 |
neg |
|
I hit the money lest he finds it |
(31) |
tô, |
kàyak |
ma: |
‘kǝ̀-jlàm-a |
nanu |
bai!’ |
well |
squirrel |
comp |
2sg-do-sub2 |
this.way |
neg |
|
well, the squirrel said: 'don’t make it this way!' |
Western Bade |
|
(32) |
nǝ̀-gày-a-m! |
1sg-climb-sub2-neg |
|
don't climb (it)! |
<24>
The second subjunctive also functions as a hortative for the first person singular, first person exclusive and third persons, e.g.
(33) |
kâi, |
nǝ̀-ja |
nà-hàpt-i [9] |
daagǝ̀m |
fìi-nǝ̀m |
ɓa |
well |
1sg-go.sub2 |
1sg-lift.sub |
for.you |
thing-your |
top |
|
well, let me go and lift your thing for you |
<25>
Gashua Bade, like many other Chadic languages, has a specific set of intransitive copy pronouns (ICPs) which may follow intransitive verbs and copy person, gender and number of the subject. While in some Chadic languages, e.g. Kanakuru, ICPs are obligatory with all intransitive verbs, this is not the case in Gashua Bade. ICPs are especially found with imperatives of intransitive verbs. In other TAMs ICPs are not common. Note that in imperatives of the second person singular there is no gender distinction (cf. §4.6.), except for intransitive verbs which are followed by an ICP.
(34) |
à-ji! |
à-ji |
naagìi! |
aux-go.imp.sg |
aux-go.imp.sg |
icp2m |
|
go! (2m or 2f) |
go! (2m) |
||
à-ji |
naagǝ̀m! |
||
aux-go.imp.sg |
icp2f |
||
go! (2f) |
|||
à-ja |
nâwùn |
||
aux-go.imp.pl |
icp2pl |
||
go! (2pl) |
(35) |
tǝ̀r̃zǝnà |
à-ji-naagǝ̀m |
ìi |
sǝk |
lakài! |
folktale |
aux-go.imp-icp2f |
to |
underside.of |
bed |
|
folktale, go under the bed! (closing of folktales) |
<26>
Bade has several derivational processes which modify the meaning of the basic verb. In addition to a frozen process which is probably a remnant of a totality extension, there are four productive extensions attested in Gashua Bade:
*Totality |
-dù |
|
Transitive |
-dù |
|
Instrumental |
-du |
|
Intransitive |
-a- |
|
Ventive |
-àawo |
<27>
Western Bade has all these extensions in common with Gashua Bade. However, Western Bade has also a habitual extension which is marked by a suffix - ag-, e.g. à ɗǝ̀bd ǝ-m 'sell (it)!” vs. à ɗǝ̀bd-àgǝ-m 'keep on selling (it)!”. The habitual extension is absent in Gashua Bade, instead habitual events are expressed by the progressive/habitual (cf. §4.3.).
<28>
Gashua Bade has several verbs which can add the suffix - dù without causing any change in meaning, e.g.
ǝ̀bzu |
= |
ǝ̀bzǝ-dù |
leave (alone) |
|
ǝ̀lmau |
= |
ǝ̀lmǝ-dù |
leave thing behind |
|
kùlǝ̀vu |
= |
kùlvǝ-dù |
accompany |
|
ǹtu |
= |
ǹtǝ-dù |
swallow |
<29>
The suffix - dù is most probably a remnant of the totality extension which is attested in a number of Chadic languages, e.g. in closely related Ngizim one of the allomorphs for the totality extension is -dù .
<30>
Verbs for which the grammatical subject is the agent and also the patient of an event, i.e. unaccusative and unergative verbs, can be transitized by the suffix -dù , and appear in all TAMs, e.g.
ju |
go |
jǝ-dù |
take, transport, carry |
||
làgu |
stop, remain |
làgǝ-dù |
stop something |
||
ǝ̀stu |
perform naming ceremony |
ǝ̀stǝ-dù |
give someone a name |
||
ǝ̀tfu |
enter |
ǝ̀tfǝ-dù |
put in |
||
vǝ̀lu |
go out |
vǝ̀lǝ-dù |
bring out something |
(36) |
tà- tàatl-i |
dǝ̀m, |
tà-vǝ̀lidù |
ii |
ǝ̀jgàmǝkǝ̀bdàm |
aux-split-sub |
wood |
aux-bring.out.sub |
to |
side.of.road |
|
she split firewood and brought it out to the side of the road |
(37) |
ǹdà |
tà- nìidù |
kwàm |
màr̃emmà |
àmànuw |
vàɗ |
people |
aux-bring.sub |
bull |
huge |
year.prm |
five |
|
they brought a huge five years old bull |
<31>
In Gashua Bade the verbal extension -du can be used in order to mark an omitted oblique object which is in most cases an instrument. The English translation is most often 'perform something with it', e.g.
(38) |
atû |
và-làakan-du, |
và-làakan-du |
3f |
aux-walking-with.it.prog |
aux-walking-with.it.prog |
|
she was going and going with it |
(39) |
gwà-jlǝ̀m-du |
tàm? |
1incl-do.vn.imperf-with.it |
q |
|
what will we do with it? |
<32>
Bade has a productive process which derives intransitive middle verbs from transitive verbs by means of an infix -a- [10], i.e. from transitive verbs of the form …CVC-, where V = ǝ, intransitive verbs can be derived by infixing -a-, e.g.,
Transitive |
Intransitive |
||
ǝ̀gdu |
snap (thing) off |
kàdu |
snap off |
ùgɓu |
moisten |
gwàɓu |
get wet |
ǝ̀zgǝ̀tu |
pierce |
ǝ̀zgàtu |
become pierced |
ǝ̀zdǝ̀vu |
accommodate someone |
ǝ̀zdàvu |
stay as a guest |
bǝ̀r̃tǝ̀nu |
turn around something |
bǝ̀r̃tànu |
turn around |
<33>
Note that transitive and intransitive counterparts of this type have also different verbal nouns, e.g. transitive ǝ̀zdǝ̀vu 'lodge someone” has the verbal noun ǝ ̀zdǝ̀và , whereas intransitive ǝ̀zdàvu 'stay as a guest” has the verbal noun ǝ ̀zdàvù. In the following examples the use of transitive verbs and their intransitive counterparts is illustrated.
(40) |
na-zdǝ̀và-k |
magǝ̀laf |
na-zdàvù-w |
à |
Gàsiiwà |
|||
1sg-lodge.vn.imperf-gen |
guest |
1sg-lodge.vn.imperf-prm |
in |
Gashua |
||||
I will accommodate a guest |
I will lodge in Gashua |
|||||||
(41) |
nǝn-bǝ̀r̃tànu |
naa-bǝr̃tanù-w |
||||||
1sg-turn.around-perf |
1sg-turn.around.vn.imperf-prm |
|||||||
I turned around |
I will turn around |
|||||||
(42) |
nǝn-bǝ̀r̃tǝ̀n-aci |
naa-bǝr̃tǝnà-k |
zanii-nàa |
|||||
1sg-turn.around.perf-do3m |
1sg-turn.around.vn.imperf-gen |
gown-poss1sg |
||||||
I turned it around |
I will turn around my gown |
|||||||
(43) |
acî |
ǹk-u |
kùna-lì |
kùna-lì |
nàk-u |
|||
3m |
fill-perf |
stomach-poss3m |
stomach-poss3m |
be.full-perf |
||||
he filled his stomach |
his stomach was full |
<34>
Bade has also a ventive extension indicating that an event had its inception at a remote point, but has an effect towards the point of reference, i.e. most commonly the place of speaking. With motion verbs the ventive usually indicates a motion towards the speaker. In the ventive the final vowel of the 'neutral” form is replaced by the following suffixes:
'Neutral' |
Ventive |
|||
perfective |
ǝ̀tf-u |
ǝ̀tf-àawo |
s/he entered (citation form) |
|
nǝ̀-tf-u |
nǝ̀-tf-àawo |
I entered |
||
imperfective |
nàa-tf-à |
nàa-tf-àyi |
I will enter |
|
subjunctive |
acî tà-tf-i |
acî tà-tf-e |
he should enter |
|
imperative (sg) |
à-tf-i! |
à-tf-ai! |
enter! |
|
imperative (pl) |
à-tf-a ! |
à-tf-ìina! |
enter! |
|
(44) |
nà-kagd-àyi-iwà |
vǝr̃ɗàmu |
|
1sg-pluck-imperf-for.us |
ebony.fruit |
||
awùn |
yi |
wùnà-càpt-i-iwà |
|
2pl |
top |
2pl-collect-sub-for.us |
|
I will pluck for us ebony fruits, and you, you should collect (them) for us |
<35>
Bade like most other Chadic languages has so called pluractional verbs. According to Newman (1990:53-54): "pluractional verbs sometimes relate to plurality of a nominal argument in the sentence (e.g. subject, direct object, even indirect object), [however G.Z.], the essential semantic characteristic of such verbs is almost always plurality or multiplicity of the verb’s action". Pluractional verbs are rare in my free interviews, however, I was able to elicitate the following pluractional patterns:
1. |
Cu |
> |
CǝC(a)u |
2. |
ǝC1C2u |
> |
C1aaC1C2u |
|||
ju |
jǝ̀ju |
go |
ǝ̀sfu |
sàasfu |
sweep |
|||||
sau |
sǝ̀sau |
drink |
ǝ̀sku |
sàasku |
shave |
|||||
tau |
tǝ̀tau |
eat |
||||||||
3. |
C1ǝC2u |
> |
C1aaC1ǝC2u |
4. |
C1aC2u |
> |
C1aaC2ǝC2(a)u |
|||
dǝ̀r̃u |
dàadǝ̀r̃u |
wait |
màsu |
màasǝ̀su |
buy |
|||||
kǝ̀lu |
kàakǝ̀lu |
steal |
bàku |
bàakǝ̀ku |
roast |
|||||
pǝ̀mu |
pàapǝ̀mu |
strike |
gàfau |
gàafǝ̀fau |
catch |
5. |
Verbs with more than two consonants |
|||
ǝ̀skùnu |
sàaskùnu |
begin |
||
ǝ̀dgùnu |
dàadgùnau |
put, place, put on clothes |
||
càptu |
càpcàptu |
collect |
||
bànku |
bànkùku |
vomit |
||
kàzàyu |
kàzàyǝ̀yu |
be angry, be dissatisfied with what one is given |
||
pàgdu |
pàagdǝ̀du |
beat |
(45) |
kǝ̀ɗàw-u |
nà |
jà- naì |
jà-pàagdǝ̀d-i |
dry.up-perf |
cond |
1excl-come.sub |
1excl-beat-sub |
|
jà- pàagdǝ̀d-i |
dǝk |
dǝ̀m |
sai … |
|
1excl-beat-sub |
with |
stick |
until … |
|
when (it) is dry, we come, and beat (it), and beat (it) with a stick until … |
<36>
The description of the verbal system of Gashua Bade aims at illustrating differences as well as similarities with the verbal system of Western Bade, as outlined in Schuh (2007). In addition to this, the comparison of Gashua Bade with Western Bade and closely related Ngizim makes it possible to establish innovations and retentions found in the verbal systems of Bade-Ngizim group languages (cf. Schuh 1981). First of all we find certain differences concerning subject agreement clitics and auxiliaries outlined in Table 10.
Table 10: Subject agreement clitics and auxiliaries in Gashua Bade and Western Bade |
||||||
Perfective |
Imperfective |
Progressive/Habitual |
||||
GB |
WB |
GB |
WB |
GB |
WB |
|
1sg |
nǝ, nǝ̀, nǝn, nǝ̀n |
nǝ |
nà, na, nàa, naa |
na, naa |
nii và, va |
----- |
2m |
kǝ |
gǝ |
yà, yàa |
yà, yaa |
gìi và, va |
|
2f |
mà, màa |
mà, maa |
gǝ̀m và, va |
|||
3m |
(acî) |
(aci) |
(acî) à, a, àa, aa |
(aci) à, aa |
(acî) và, va |
|
3f |
(atû) |
(atu) |
(atû) à, a, àa, aa |
(atû) à, aa |
(atû) và, va |
|
1excl |
jǝ̀, jǝ̀n |
jǝ̀ |
jà, jàa |
jà, jaa |
jà và, va |
|
1incl |
gù, gùn |
wǝ̀ |
gwà, gwàa |
wà, waa |
gwà và, va |
|
2pl |
wùn |
awùn |
wùnà, wùnàa |
awùnà, awùnaa |
wùnà và, va |
|
3pl |
(aks/cì) |
(akci) |
(aks/cì) à, a, àa, aa |
(akci) à, aa |
(aks/cì) và, va |
|
Subjunctive |
Imperative |
Second subjunctive |
||||
GB |
WB |
GB |
WB |
GB |
WB |
|
1sg |
nà, nàa |
nà, naa |
nǝ̀ |
nǝ̀ |
||
2m |
kà, kàa |
gà, gaa |
à(a), a(a) V-i |
à(a) V-ii |
kǝ̀ |
gǝ̀ |
2f |
à(a) V-ǝ-m |
|||||
3m |
(acî) tà, tàa |
(aci) dà, daa |
(acî) tǝ̀ |
(aci) dǝ̀ |
||
3f |
(atû) tà, tàa |
(atu) dà, daa |
(atû) tǝ̀ |
(atu) dǝ̀ |
||
1excl |
jà, jàa |
jàa |
jǝ̀ |
jǝ̀ |
||
1incl |
gwà, gwàa |
wàa |
gwà V-a |
à(a) V-a-wà |
gwǝ̀ |
wǝ̀ |
2pl |
wùnà |
awùnàa |
à(a), a(a) V-a |
à(a) V-a-wun |
wùnǝ̀ |
awùnǝ̀ |
3pl |
(aks/cì) tà, tàa |
(akci) dà, daa |
(aks/cì) tǝ̀ |
(akci) dǝ̀ |
<37>
Following Schuh (1981) second person singular subject clitics can be reconstructed with initial *k- for proto-Bade-Ngizim. An innovation has taken place in Western Bade, where second person singular subject clitics are always voiced. In addition to this, second person plural clitics display a prefix a -, which is absent in other varieties. Concerning subjunctive preverbal auxiliaries of third persons, it is rather unclear whether the voiced type (Western Bade and Ngizim) or the unvoiced type (Gashua Bade) constitutes the conservative type.
<38>
In the perfective Gashua Bade displays subject agreement clitics with final -n used before verbs beginning in a consonant. Clitics of this kind are absent in Western Bade and Ngizim and, therefore, can be analysed as an innovation in Gashua Bade. Perfective verb suffixes - au in class B and class D verbs occur in Gashua Bade and Ngizim. In Western Bade an innovative monophthongization -au > - o has taken place. Negation of the perfective in Gashua Bade and Ngizim uses a clause-final negator bai, whereas in Western Bade *bai is reduced to -m. Note that besides nunation [11], negation of the perfective is one of the main features separating Gashua Bade from Western Bade. A special reduplicated form in the negative perfective is found in Western Bade (example 6) and in Southern Bade, e.g. nǝ jàajà ɓ ai 'I didn’t go', but absent in Gashua Bade and Ngizim. Therefore, it is difficult to say which construction type constitutes the innovation. However, given the fact that many languages in northern Nigeria (e.g. Hausa, Miya, Guruntum and several other Chadic languages, as well as Kanuri and Fulfulde) display a dichotomy in standard negation, i.e. negation of the perfective is differently marked from negation of the imperfective, we might hypothesize that the reduplicated form in the perfective constitutes a retention (cf. Ziegelmeyer 2009b).
<39>
The most important innovation concerns the split of the imperfective in Gashua Bade. While in Western Bade and Ngizim the imperfective expresses future reference as well as durativity (action in progress), in Gashua Bade the imperfective most often denotes future events, and a new innovative TAM-form denotes progressive and habitual events. It was already stated above that the split in Gashua Bade into imperfective and progressive/habitual is probably conditioned by contact with Hausa which exhibits a future TAM expressing tense (future-time reference) and a range of modal (attitudinal) meanings, as well as an imperfective TAM encompassing dimensions of durativity (action-in-progress) and habituality. With respect to expressions of habituality, Ngizim probably constitutes the conservative type, where the imperfective also encompasses this dimension, whereas in Gashua Bade habituality is expressed by the progressive/habitual and in Western Bade in terms of a habitual verbal extension (cf. §6). Furthermore in Gashua Bade and Ngizim constructions with a transitive verb in the imperfective and progressive/habitual (Gashua Bade only) with no overt direct object add the previous reference marker to the preceding verbal noun. This construction type is not used in Western Bade.
<40>
In the subjunctive mood several innovations have taken place in Western Bade. While all other Bade varieties have a (…L)H tone pattern on subjunctive verbs, in Western Bade tone of subjunctive verbs is conditioned by the initial consonant, i.e. verbs beginning in a voiced obstruent have a low tone on the first syllable, all other verbs have a high tone. In addition to this preverbal subject agreement clitics exhibit a polar tone to the first syllable of the verb, except for first and second person plural which always bear a low tone (for a more detailed description of the subjunctive in Western Bade see Schuh 2007). For instance Western Bade ga gàfì 'that you catch' and gà karmì 'that you chop' can be contrasted with Gashua Bade kà gàfi, and kà kàrmi respectively.
<41>
Another innovation in Western Bade concerns the negation of the second subjunctive, and is partially parallel to the negation of the perfective. Again the proto-Bade-Ngizim negation marker *bai has been reduced to -m.
<42>
Yet another innovation in Western Bade can be found in the imperative paradigm which distinguishes gender in the second person singular. This differentiation is absent in all other varieties.
<43>
Finally, as concerns verbal extensions, we can note that both Gashua Bade and Western Bade have a transitive, intransitive, instrumental and ventive extension. Only Western Bade has an additional habitual extension (cf.§6). Proto-Bade-Ngizim probably also had a totality extension. While this extension is still productive in Ngizim, in Gashua Bade and Western Bade only remnants of this extension are found.
Abbreviations
aux |
auxiliary |
pl |
plural |
C |
consonant |
poss |
possessive pronoun |
cond |
conditional marker |
prm |
previous reference marker |
dem |
demonstrative |
prog |
progressive/habitual |
do |
direct object |
q |
question word |
f |
feminine |
sg |
singular |
gen |
genitive |
sub |
subjunctive |
H |
high tone |
sub2 |
Second subjunctive |
icp |
intransitive copy pronoun |
SVO |
subject-verb-object |
imp |
imperative |
TAM |
tense-aspect-mood |
imperf |
imperfective |
top |
topicalizing particle |
L |
low tone |
vn |
verbal noun |
m |
masculine |
V |
vowel |
neg |
negation |
1EXCL |
1st plural exclusive |
perf |
perfective |
1INCL |
1st plural inclusive |
Broß, Michael 1997.
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Nominal and Verbal Plurality in Chadic. Dordrecht & Providence: Foris
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Schuh, Russell G. 2003
'The functional unity of the Hausa and West Chadic subjunctive.' In: Jason Kandybowicz (ed.), Papers in African Linguistics 3, UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics 9, pp.17-42. Los Angeles: UCLA Department of Linguistics, http://www.linguistics.ucla.edu/people/schuh/Papers/D02_2003_Hausa_subjunctive.pdf (09.07.2013)
Schuh, Russell G. 2007
'Bade morphology.' In: Alan S. Kaye (ed.), Morphologies of Asia and Africa, pp.587-639. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns. http://www.linguistics.ucla.edu/people/schuh/Papers/A98_2007_WB_morphology.pdf (09.07.2013)
Schuh, Russell G. 2008
'The Duwai verbal system.' Papers on Duwai. University of California AFLANG directory. Ms, http://aflang.humnet.ucla.edu/Duwai/Papers/duwai_verbal_system.pdf (11.08.2013).
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Ziegelmeyer, Georg 2009b
'Areal features in northern Nigeria – Towards a linguistic area.' In: Petr Zima (ed.), The Verb and Related Areal Features in West Africa – Continuity and Discontinuity within and across Sprachbund Frontiers (LINCOM Studies in African Linguistics 77), pp.269-306.. Munich: LINCOM Europa
Ziegelmeyer, Georg 2009c
'The Hausa particle "koo" – A widely spread formative in northern Nigeria.' In: Norbert Cyffer & Georg Ziegelmeyer (eds.) When Languages Meet – Language Contact and Change in West Africa. (Topics in African Studies 13), pp.65-91. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe
Ziegelmeyer, Georg 2010
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[1] I gratefully acknowledge the sponsorship of the FWF (Austrian Science Fund) which financed me during the project Dynamik sprachlichen Wandels in Nordostnigeria at the University of Vienna. My special thanks go to all my friends, colleagues and language consultants in Gashua.
[2] In Western Bade the ending is -o.
[3] Transcription: aa, ii, etc. = long vowel; a, i, etc. = short vowel; ǝ = high central vowel; à(a) = low tone; â(a) = falling tone; ǎ(a) rising tone; high tone is unmarked; ɓ, ɗ = laryngeal implosives; ’y = glottalized palatal glide; tl and jl = lateral fricatives, r̃ = apical tap/roll, c and j = palato-alveolar affricates.
[4] In elicitations Hausa future was almost always translated with Bade imperfective, and Hausa imperfective with Bade progressive/habitual, respectively.
[5] The form nee is a coalescence of /na + ii/, i.e. the verbal noun of the verb ‘to go’ and the preposition ii ‘to’.
[6] The preverbal auxiliary is sometimes realized with a long vowel, which might be conditioned by verb class. However, the precise rules are still unclear to me.
[7] For the formation of verbal nouns in Western Bade see Schuh (2007).
[8] naì is the subjunctive of the irregular ventive verb dàawau 'come'.
[9] Note that the second verb is in the subjunctive, which is normal in a sequence of events, regardless of the TAM of the first verb.
[10] Note that Bade and many other Chadic languages have the possibility to use one and the same verb as a transitive verb or an intransitive middle verb. For instance, in acî kùɓu mâgvuw 'he closed the door' kùɓu is a transitive verb with an agentive subject, whereas in mâgvuw kùɓu 'the door is closed' kùɓu is an intransitive middle verb, designating a change of state of the subject.
[11] In Western Bade citation forms (≈ indefinite forms) for common nouns have a final –n (frequently referred to as nunation) which originally comes from a definite determiner. For nunation in Western Bade see Lukas (1968) and Schuh (1975).
Lizenz
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Ziegelmeyer G (2013). On the verbal system of Gashua Bade. Afrikanistik online, Vol. 2014. (urn:nbn:de:0009-10-37569)
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