Maxims and Mountaineers – The colonial subjugation of the peoples of the Muri Mountains and the adjacent regions in Northern Nigeria [1]
urn:nbn:de:0009-10-19109
Abstract
Stretching along the upper Benue valley, the area of the Muri Mountains is inhabited by various small ethnic groups whose languages belong to the Chadic language family and two branches of the Niger-Congo language family, namely Adamawa and Benue-Congo. Until the beginning of the 20th century the settlements of these groups were situated on the mountain slopes and hilltops. The rugged and mountainous character of the landscape and the (in pre-colonial times much denser) vegetation cover of the surrounding plains were used as a strategic advantage for defence against enemies. Although various raids were undertaken by the adjacent emirates in the 19th century, the groups of the Muri Mountains were never conquered. With the beginning of British colonial administration, various expeditions and patrols were sent into the area and local groups had to succumb to superior military technology. These patrols visited different parts of the area and were undertaken successively over several years. There is evidence that some of these expeditions would have ended less disastrously for the local groups had they not been intentionally misguided by local factional interests.
Zusammenfassung
Im Gebiet der Muri-Berge, eine Bergregion im oberen Benue-Tal Nord-Nigerias, leben zahlreiche kleine Ethnien, deren Sprachen zu zwei großen Sprachfamilien gehören: der Tschadischen- und der Niger-Kongo-Sprachfamilie, wobei letztere durch die Zweige der Adamaua- und der Benue-Kongo Sprachen vertreten sind. Bis zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts lagen die Siedlungen dieser ethnischen Gruppen auf den Bergen und an den Berghängen. Der hügelige, zerklüftete Charakter der Landschaft und die in der vorkolonialen Zeit wesentlich dichtere Vegetation der umliegenden Ebenen stellten einen strategischen Vorteil bei der Verteidigung gegenüber Feinden dar. So war es den Fulani Emiraten im 19. Jahrhundert nicht gelungen, die Ethnien der Muri-Berge zu unterwerfen, obwohl wiederholt Raub- und Kriegszüge durchgeführt wurden. Mit Beginn der britischen Kolonialzeit wurden zahlreiche Patrouillen und Strafexpeditionen in der Region unternommen und die lokalen Ethnien mussten sich der überlegenen Militärtechnologie der Briten unterwerfen. In einem Zeitraum von mehren Jahren durchzog eine ganze Reihe von Patrouillen die unterschiedlichen Gebiete der Region. Bei den Gruppen, die sich am erfolgreichsten gegen die Angriffe der Fulani Emirate gewehrt hatten, verliefen diese Patrouillen besonders blutig. Es gibt Hinweise, dass einige dieser Patrouillen weniger verheerend für die unterworfenen Ethnien ausgegangen wären, wenn es nicht zur Einflussnahme durch lokale Interessengruppen gekommen wäre.
<1>
The Muri Mountains are a chain of sandstone mountains running from west to east on the northern banks of the upper Benue valley and stretching across the frontiers of the federal states of Bauchi, Gombe, Taraba and Adamawa. Their highest peaks reach about 1,100 m and in their central part they consist of two parallel mountain chains with a trough in between them. On their eastern margin they merge into the Longuda Plateau, and at their western margin into the Bauchi Plateau. The region is inhabited by a multitude of small ethnic groups. These live predominantly on agriculture with sorghum, maize and beans as their staple crops, besides keeping a limited number of domestic animals like cattle or goats. Their languages belong to various distinct linguistic groups representing the Chadic family of Afroasiatic and two branches of the Niger-Congo language family, namely Adamawa and Benue-Congo. [2] While the Chadic languages (like Tangale, Pero or Piya) are mainly to be found along the northern and north-western mountain ranges, the Niger Congo languages are located mainly along the southern and eastern ranges and to the east of the mountains. Due to the mountainous landscape and partial seasonal flooding along its southern ranges, the area is not easily accessible and thus retained a politically and economically marginal status (as is still the case today).
<2>
Its position as a border region has a long tradition. In the 19th century it lay between the spheres of influence of the emirates of Adamawa and Muri to the south, and Bauchi and Gombe to the north. In order to put into context the reactions of the groups under discussion, in the first part of this study their relations to and experiences with the Fulani emirates in the 19th century are outlined.
<3>
The frontier situation also means that the overall picture of events is a composite one, because various focal points of action have to be brought together. Further, in a study like this, one has to consider events in neighbouring areas and the wider region of which the Muri Mountains are a part, for these quite often had repercussions on the Muri Mountains area proper.
<4>
The major sources used in this study are files in the Nigerian National Archives in Kaduna (NAK) containing reports from British colonial officers. Since several reports appear to be missing, some decisive patrols could not be treated in as detailed a manner as would have been desirable, and I have had to rely on references in other files. The sources do not permit a complete description of the events; for instance, no detailed account of the relevant patrol by the Assistant Resident, Mr. Waters, in Muri Province in 1906 could be located. In the 1910 Annual Report for Bauchi Province 11 patrols are mentioned for 1909 and eight patrols for 1910 in Bauchi Province as a whole. For the Gombe Division more details could be found for four patrols in 1909 and for two in 1910. [3]
<5>
The colonial conquest of Northern Nigeria in general is well studied. [4] The study by Dusgate (1985) on the conquest of Northern Nigeria is seminal and it contains detailed information on all major campaigns. On the area under discussion, an article by Ikime (1974) deals with the decisive patrol in Tangale-Waja led by Oliver Howard, and there is a useful overview of various patrols by Brunk (1994:21–23). Events in the Benue valley are outlined in Kirk-Greene’s (1958) "Adamawa Past and Present". Kirk-Greene also prepared a study of punitive expeditions in adjacent regions (Madagali, Yungur, Chamba), but it remained unpublished. [5] Kastfelt (1976) published an article about a punitive expedition against the Yungur of Pirambi.
<6>
Besides offering a chronological reconstruction of a so far little known period of the history of the Muri Mountains, the essay should be regarded as a contribution to the study of colonial conquest and subjugation with a specific regional focus. Whilst most events are necessarily described from the perspective of the British, the cultural dynamics that may have influenced the interactions between the various local groups and the British forces are taken into consideration. In many cases I retain the terminology found in the original sources in order to convey the attitudes and phrasing of the reports.
<7>
Modibbo Adama, the founder of Adamawa Emirate, received a flag from Uthman dan Fodio around 1806 as an entitlement to pursue the jihad in his area and turned first against the Bata. In subsequent years the Vere, Mandara, Marghi, Kilba and other groups were subjugated. Yola became the headquarters of the emirate in 1841. When Modibbo Adama died in 1848, the area between Adamawa Emirate (or Fombina) and Muri Emirate was largely unconquered. The main thrust of the emirate’s actions was directed towards the regions to the east of the Muri Mountains. In 1901 Yola was taken by a British force under Colonel Morland (Hogben 1967:229–238, Kirk-Greene 1958:56 f.).
<8>
Buba Yero, the first Emir of Gombe started to conquer the groups in the vicinity of the Muri Mountains, for example the Yungur, even before Uthman dan Fodio proclaimed his jihad in 1804. On his return from defeating the Fali at Bulmi, he marched through the country of the Wurkun (Hogben, Kirk-Greene 1966:447). [6] After receiving his flag he went to Gombe (i.e. old Gombe or Gombe Aba) and waged war in the region, assisted by his younger brother Hamman Ruwa, who focused his actions on the western edge of Wurkun territory. [7] By 1817 Hamman Ruwa had overrun most of the area of Muri and was appointed governor of that region. However, he was murdered by Buba Yero in 1833.
<9>
Muri Emirate extended mainly downstream along the Benue river, including Wukari, Donga, Ibi and Bantaji. Muhammadu Nya, a grandson of Hamman Ruwa, invaded Tiv country as far as Katsina Ala and fought against the Kona Jukun. The latter he could only conquer with the help of the cannons of the French adventurer Mizon, (see Adelberger & 2008). Before his death in 1896 Muhammadu Nya made Jalingo, which he used as a war camp to launch raids against the Mumuye, the new headquarters of Muri Emirate (Hogben, Kirk-Greene 1966:447–453; Hogben 1967:239–243).
<10>
Bauchi Emirate was founded by Yakubu, who had already received a flag from Uthman dan Fodio prior to 1804. In 1809 Bauchi town was founded and in the following years a vast area, including the Wurkun hills in the western Muri Mountains, down to the rivers Benue and Gongola, was conquered. Yakubu pitched a war camp in front of Bambur Hill (McBride, n.d.:15; Fremantle 1972:27) and it is said that he destroyed Kode and Gomu and received slaves as a sign of submission, but no regular tribute was paid. [8] Under Yakubu’s successors, however, the control over the subject peoples weakened, especially under Umaru (1883–1902). The region inhabited by non-Muslim peoples in the south of Bauchi Emirate was a regular target for slave raids (Yakubu 1992:147). Bauchi town was occupied by the British without resistance in 1902 (Hogben, Kirk-Greene 1966:454–464; Hogben 1967:244–250).
<11>
The emirate of Gombe was founded by Buba Yero who was recommended to Uthman dan Fodio by Yakubu. He made Gombe Aba his headquarters and started to subdue the country by campaigning against the Jukun settlements of Pindiga and Kalam, including the countries of the Tangale and the Waja. Other groups raided by him during his early campaigns were the Tera, Jara, Bura, Kanakuru, Yungur, Longuda, Bachama, Lala and Mbula (Low 1972:93ff). During his campaigns he even crossed the Benue in order to scatter the Jukun and reached as far as Adamawa. For some time Buba Yero stayed at Kupto and Dukku near the Gongola. Sections of the Tangale and Waja were subdued by Muhammadu Kwairanga, a son of Buba Yero and Emir of Gombe 1844–1882. Mallam Jibril Gaini, a religious zealot and one-time supporter of the conqueror of Bornu from the Sudan Rabih Fadlallah, established himself at Burmi on the Gombe-Fika border during the era of Emir Zailani 1882–1888. He was able to gather a strong following and defy the authority of the Emir. The Emirs of Gombe were unable to subdue Jibril, even with assistance from neighbouring emirates. He was finally defeated by the British Bauchi-Bornu expedition in 1902 and eventually exiled to Lokoja (Hogben, Kirk-Greene 1966:465–471; Hogben 1967:251–2; Dusgate 1985:148–151). Sultan Attahiru’s last stand against the invading British army was at Burmi and eventually the Sultan died with more than 600 of his followers at the second battle of Burmi in 1903, where on the British side 11 deaths were recorded, among them Major Marsh (Dusgate 1985:209–222). The death of the Sultan and the demise of the Sokoto Caliphate led to the emigration of thousands of Fulani from Nigeria to the Sudan (Tomlinson and Lethem 1927:9). In 1913 the headquarters of Gombe Division was first moved to Nafada and in 1918 to the present site of Gombe.
<12>
The military strategy of the Fulani emirates was largely based on their cavalry, with noble horsemen leading the attacks (Marjomaa 1998:218–19, 232–34, 254–56; Smaldone 1977:29–32).
<13>
Mounted warriors could employ their military tactics to great effect on the undulating plains of the Northern Nigerian savannah, but could not exploit their superiority in the craggy and hilly landscape of the Muri Mountains area nor in other mountainous regions. The inhabitants of the plains surrounding the hills, especially in the Tula area, built defensive stone walls and thorn hedges, which were successfully used to check attacks by horsemen. [9] As a protective measure, the villages were strategically well-placed in the steep and rocky hills. Usually they were protected by stone walls and could only be reached through narrow, winding paths, partly obstructed by gateways. These could be well defended against emirate raiders, even if they approached armed with rifles.
<14>
Firearms were part of the weaponry of the emirate forces, especially since the middle of the 19th century, but since they were of the frontloader musket type and, compared with contemporaneous European standards, few in numbers, their effect was mostly psychological inducing fear through their loud discharge. [10] The arms of the mountaineers consisted of spears with varying, often quite vicious, tips, bows and arrows, the latter often poisoned, daggers, short swords and clubs. For protection, shields made of buffalo hide and elephant ears were used.
<15>
Thus, although the different emirates exercised considerable pressure by undertaking frequent raids on the population groups of the wider Muri Mountains area and adjacent regions, their control of the area was rather loose and varied over time. Supported by a suitable terrain, the mountain dwellers could successfully defend themselves or were able to withdraw into even more inaccessible regions. The acephalous nature of their societies and the existence of a multitude of factions on the one hand made it difficult to form alliances for more successful defence, on the other hand the subjugation of a single community did not entail the conquest of any wider political network. [11]
<16>
With regard to the southern parts of the Muri Mountains, the Piya are said to have migrated from Gwandum hills in Tangale-Waja area as a means to escape the slave raids of Emir Yakubu of Bauchi and they ”...scattered over the whole of the North Western part of the [Wurkun] District extending from Darfur [?, most probably Darofoi, J.A.] to Bachama.” [12] Emir Yakubu made some of the Piya pay an annual tribute of slaves and hoes, [13] which, however, was discontinued after his death (Temple 1922: 365). The Nyam living in the western end of the Muri Mountains were constantly attacked by Fulani from Bauchi and Muri and because of this, subsequently moved to Gateri (Gwana). [14]
<17>
In their oral traditions the Kulung remember various skirmishes with the Fulani, but they were never actually conquered. [15] The settlements at Matarum and Ndalang are said to have been destroyed by Muri Emirate raiders and their inhabitants taken into slavery. Some Kulung settlements, for instance Kirim, seem, however, to have recognised the suzerainty of Muri Emirate and paid tribute (cf. McBride n.d.:15–22).
<18>
In the second half of the 19th century Muri Emirate forces successfully raided the southern fringes of the Muri Mountains for slaves, until they came to Gomu, where they were severely beaten and lost about 150 men. [16]
<19>
Although suffering from the various raids, large parts of the populations were able to retain their independence. It is said that the Wurkun groups were never successfully subjugated by the Fulani. [17] Still, according to local information collected by the missionary McBride, several communities such as Bambuka, Leemak of Panya and Zo, Munga, Karim and Jen also paid tribute to one of the Fulani emirates of Bauchi, Muri or Yola. [18] Most probably this was more a payment to be exempted from raids than a continuous taxation. Lo, Gomu and Burak, on the other hand, were never forced to pay tribute.
<20>
Many groups were strong enough to be able to disrupt trade routes. For instance, the German traveller Eduard Vogel noted in 1855 that the road from Muri to Yola was blocked by the Bachama, who had already defeated the troops of the Emir of Adamawa. It seems that they were supported by troops of the Shehu of Borno (Vogel 1858:32).
<21>
Also, in 1900 and 1901 roads on the northern bank of the Benue were blocked by the Wurkun, Montol and Ankwe. [19]
<22>
In the northern Muri Mountains the Emirs of Gombe and Misau attacked the Tangale of Shongom in about 1886 but were repelled by the combined forces of the Shongom, Kaltungo, Ture and Tula Wange. The Emir of Misau, Sale, was killed in the battle. In another attack on Awak the emirate raiders were also defeated. [20]
<23>
Defence in the lowland areas was more difficult and these areas were often incorporated into the emirate structure. In the Gombe region, the Plains Waja and the Western Tangale were given as fiefs to Sarkin Yaki and Galadima Gombe respectively. [21] They paid tribute in exchange for immunity from attacks by Fulani (Low 1972:150 ff). Still, Buba Yero and his successors inflicted numerous raids on the settlements of Waja and Tangale and the Jukun of Pindiga. The payment of tribute or the conversion to Islam did not necessarily mean that a community was exempt from being the target of slave raids (see Yakubu 1992:146,150). Buba Yero visited Waja from Dukku or Gombe, attacked the plains villages and was repulsed by Gelengu. On his way back he took his revenge on the Tera towns of Kwoll and Hinna for their expulsion of the Fulani. Yerima Suli, the son of Buba Yero, attacked and burnt Gelengu. His brother Koiranga attacked the Waja several times, and he undertook raids against the Tangale, Tula and Awak, assisted by the Emirs of Misau and Katagum. It is said that Koiranga fought seven wars with the Waja, capturing the settlements of Bakasi, then Balanga, Kube Gasi, Gelengu, Talasse and Swa. On his last raid the Emir fought Dong, whose inhabitants fled to the Degri hills and were able to drive back the Fulani. Reinforced by the Emir of Misau and his troops, Koiranga returned and attacked Reme and Degri simultaneously. There was heavy fighting with losses on both sides. Later Mallam Jibril Gaini also attacked the Waja village of Lambam and destroyed it. [22]
<24>
Mountain dwellers, such as the Awak, Cham, Dadiya or Pero, were able to retain their independence against the Fulani (Temple 1922:34, 87, 88, 365).
In later years the Gombe Emirate’s control over the Waja and Tangale fiefs weakened further still. [23]
<25>
The main interest of the Royal Niger Company lay in securing the conduct of trade. Although granted a royal charter in 1886, its administration of the areas was rudimentary. Its military operations in the region under discussion were mainly restricted to the riverine areas and were intended to punish rebellious local groups disturbing trade (see, for example, Kirk-Greene 1958:50–53). In 1885 the National African Company (later Royal Niger Company) had 11 main trading posts along the Benue, for instance at Mainarawa, Lau, Kunini and Numan (Baker 1996:51, see also Flint 1960:145–6).
<26>
One of the first punitive expeditions of the Royal Niger Constabulary - which was later transformed into the West African Frontier Force (WAFF) - was directed against the Mbula to the east of the River Gongola, north of the Benue in 1886. Their town was bombarded and about 50 sheep were seized as a fine (Baker 1996:70). In 1891 Numan was destroyed as a reprisal for an attack on a hulk of the Royal Niger Company (RNC) by the Bachama (Kirk-Greene 1958:49).
<27>
In the early months of 1893, the French adventurer Mizon, having militarily supported the Emir of Muri Muhammadu Nya in conquering the Jukun town of Kona, again helped the Emir in an expedition against the inhabitants of Dulti near Jen (Alis 1894:489; Adelberger and Storch 2008).
<28>
Some of the first military expeditions covered an area remarkably far from the River Benue and touching the area of the Muri Mountains, aiming to recruit troops rather than subjugate the traversed regions. This applied to the expedition led by Lieutenant Bryan and Lieutenant Macnaghtan, and to the one under Captain Lynch. [24]
<29>
The expeditions led by Lieutenant Bryan and Lieutenant Macnaghtan consisted of 12 soldiers of the Royal Niger Constabulary, together with four servants, five messengers, a headman, interpreters etc. They started from Lokoja on 8th May 1898, arriving at Ibi on 27th May with stops at Armageddi and Ampah. Later they were joined by Lieutenant Clive of the West African Frontier Force with 38 men and 40 carriers. They reached Bauchi on 14th July and continued to Gombe where the Emir had requested their support against Mallam Jibril Gaini. This was declined and the expedition eventually returned to Ibi on 15th September having recruited 105 men, 28 of whom, however, had already deserted. Two days later the second expedition, which was to touch more of the Muri Mountains area than the first one, left Ibi under Captain Lynch of the West African Frontier Force (WAFF) with the intention of reaching Gombe. They followed a route via Jeb-Jeb and Gateri to Gombe where they too were asked for support against Mallam Jibril. As in the previous case this was declined, and the expedition returned to Ibi via Muri.
<30>
At the end of 1899 the charter of the Royal Niger Company was revoked and on 1st January 1900 the administration of what was to become Northern Nigeria was formally taken over by the Queen of England.
The Niger region and the emirates of Kontagora and Bida were conquered first. In September 1901 Yola was defeated after rather heavy fighting, the Emir Zubeiru fleeing to the east of Mandara. [25]
<31>
In 1902 the Bauchi-Borno expedition, a systematic attempt to bring the country under control, began. It was to cover a distance of about 1,000 miles. The expeditionary force was of considerable strength and its task was to subdue a major portion of North-Eastern Nigeria. The force under the command of Colonel Morland consisted of three captains, one officer of the Royal Artillery, one British non-commissioned officer (NCO) and 30 regular soldiers with two 75mm guns, 1st Batallion with two officers and two British NCO’s and 125 regular soldiers with one Maxim gun, 2nd Battalion under Lieutenant Colonel Beddoes and six officers and two British NCO’s and 360 regular soldiers with three Maxim guns, further three Medical officers and 800 carriers. [26] In the aftermath of this Bauchi-Bornu expedition the first campaign to subjugate parts of the Muri Mountains took place.
<32>
The expeditionary force took Bauchi without encountering resistance. On the way the Yergum were punished for allegedly disrupting trade routes and killing traders. Near Gombe and Nafada the forces of Mallam Jibril Gaini were engaged and eventually defeated near Tongo. Maiduguri (Maifoni) was visited and then the force returned to Yola via Song and Kilba. From Yola, Captain Cubitt then carried out operations in Bachama country and the Wurkun hills, sanctioned by Lugard. Cubitt left Yola 28th April with two guns, two Maxims and 130 rank and file, marching along the north bank of the River Benue. First Captain Cubitt reached the Longuda town of Banjiram where five Hausa traders had been killed. In the fighting that broke out 25 Longuda were killed, Lieutenant Dyer and interpreter Ankrah were wounded, and one porter was fatally wounded. Then they continued to Kwa. The people of Kwa, who were reported to have killed seven traders and one woman, fled to the hills and subsequently their town was burnt. In a house thirty-two skulls were found; this was apparently taken as evidence of murder. However, in the whole area funerary rituals are practised by various ethnic groups in which the skulls of ancestors are taken from their places of burial in the hills back to certain places in the village after a couple of years. Further, the skulls may have belonged to enemies killed in inter-tribal warfare. During later patrols in other areas, the discovery of skulls was also presented as proof of crime.
<33>
The patrol reached Lau on 4th May. From here Cubitt started towards Wurkun hills on 6th May. On 7th May their camp at Pitiko was attacked, but the Wurkun warriors were repulsed and several of them killed. Further fighting occurred the next day, until the Wurkun chiefs sued for peace. The district was considered pacified. The force was back at Ibi on 16th April 1902.
During the previous year there had already been an attempt by British forces to open the route from Numan to Lau which was blocked by the Bachama.
<34>
In 1904 an expedition to open the Gongola valley to trade was undertaken and in its course fights with Longuda ensued. The chief of Bachama, Njeldumso, was deposed by a patrol and Jaro installed instead. [27] In the same year the Wurkun country was visited by a patrol and "thoroughly subdued"; unfortunately no further information is available on this patrol. [28]
<35>
In 1906 systematic attempts to bring the country under administrative control commenced in the northern and southern parts of the wider Muri Mountains region.
<36>
A major force consisting of more than 200 soldiers and several officers led by the Resident of Bauchi, Oliver Howard, covered for the first time the country of the Waja, Tangale, Tula and part of Longuda from April to July in 1906.
[29]
Besides the general goal of bringing a further area under control, Howard gave two reasons for the patrol in his report: 1) that there was a large Fulani colony in Waja district, which had become "[…] a rallying ground for disaffected Filani, not only of Gombe but also of Bauchi […]"; 2) that Waja had made attempts to prevent other districts from paying tribute. With the first reason Howard alluded to the fears of Mahdist-inspired uprisings prevalent throughout Northern Nigeria and Niger at that time. Just a month before, in March 1906, the bloody crushing of the Mahdist rebellion at Satiru near Sokoto had taken place (cf. Lovejoy & Hogendorn 1990, Dusgate 1985: p. 242–249). In Gombe Division, Mallam Ali was starting to preach at Bima hill in spring 1906, when he was captured. He had received promises of support from Fulani of Gombe and Bauchi. It was believed that he was a forerunner to a preacher of greater importance and that there was a connection to the incidents at Satiru. There immediately followed a Mallam El Haji Malle, who had served under Mallam Jibril Gaini. Mallam El Haji Malle was pursued by a military detachment and finally arrested at Yola.
[30]
<37>
However, nowhere later in his report does Howard come back to any findings in respect to this alleged Fulani colony nor did he offer convincing evidence for the non-payment of tribute by the Waja.
<38>
The force under the command of Colonel Barlow consisted of 110 rank and file under Captain Digan and Colour Sergeant Parklin, another 100 rank and file under Captain Short and Lieutenant Shott, and an unspecified number of men under Captain Mackworth and Sergeant Harry, as well as the medical officer Dr. Thorp-White.
<39>
They were accompanied by several title holders from Gombe Emirate, namely: Dan Sarkin Yaki Kunde, Maina Osman (brother of the Emir of Gombe), Jalu Yerima Gombe, Tukkur Sarkin Yaki, Dam Buram and Maina Musa. The towns and villages visited were asked to surrender and pay tribute.
<40>
The column under Colonel Barlow left Gwani at Bima hill on July 3rd, 1906, and marched via Deba Habe to the Jarawa town of Jagali, and further to the Waja settlement of Gelengu on 5th July, where they learned that the Waja of Reme were ready to defend themselves. The next day they continued to Reme and Degri. On the hill of Degri, where people from Gelengu and Reme had fled, a skirmish ensued in which 20 Waja were killed. The fleeing Waja were chased into Degri where they were attacked by Captain Mackworth with a Maxim and gunfire, killing 25 of them. While on 7th July at Degri sheep and cattle were seized, the houses burned and the ripening corn in the surrounding area was destroyed, a part of the force returned to Reme and there continued to burn huts and destroy crops, which led to the outbreak of another fight. The captured food was brought back to the troops remaining at Gelengu, and during the march 11 further Waja were killed.
<41>
On 8th July Captain Short was left at Reme to proceed with the burning of houses. The remaining force went to Balanga to capture cattle allegedly belonging to Fulani and punish the town. Balanga was attacked and partly burnt down on the grounds that a significant number of the cattle had been concealed there. 80 head of cattle were confiscated.
<42>
On 9th July the column marched first to Dong and then on to Dala Waja, both towns surrendered without resistance. At Bangu, about seven miles away from Reme, the column camped. 400 head of cattle were seized at Bangu. Bangu too surrendered, expressing their concern about constant raids by the Longuda. Thus Colonel Barlow continued to Longuda country and Guyuk, the most important Longuda town, to convey the message. On 11th July a force of 60 rank and file under Sergeant Parklin and carrying a Maxim gun left Bangu for Longuda country, followed on the next day by Captain Short, also with a Maxim gun. Heavy rain allowed only slow progress. After seven miles the column had to stop at a swollen river; on the other bank were some people whose behaviour was described as "[…] hostile and at the same time very insolent." Very early the next morning Lieutenant Shott crossed the river and surprised these people, killing three of them. Passing through Wala the force went on to Guyuk, where they arrived at 2.30pm and surprised the Longuda, some of whom tried to defend their town. Fighting ensued in which some 20 Longuda were killed. On 13th July the town was burnt and about 300 sheep taken away. The next day the force returned to Bangu. Here all Waja chiefs submitted. In total, livestock worth £1,400 was taken in the Waja and Longuda areas and some of it was given to the Emir of Gombe under whose control the Waja district had nominally been. Jalu Yerima Gombe eagerly helped with the collection of the tribute. The Fulani title holders Dan Sarkin Yaki Kunde and Maina Osman were left to bring in the tributes from Reme and Degri.
<43>
The patrol then marched on 15th July via Jagali, Deba Habe and Kalshingi to Tangaltong in Tangale country where they arrived on 18th July. The people of Tangaltong complained about being harassed and raided by Shongom. Howard obviously considered Shongom as a most truculent section and was willing to break them. On 19th July, Shongom was visited and the Shongom people, who had collected in a gap on the hills and greeted the patrol with yells, were shelled by Colonel Barlow. Then Shongom town was attacked: the force advanced and opened fire with the Maxim gun doing ”considerable execution”. The company of Captain Digan entered a hill village, burning a part of it and killing several Tangale in the fight. Captain Short and Lieutenant Shott climbed the hill to the right of Captain Digan and shot every Tangale who tried to oppose them. Having crossed the hills, various villages in the valley were set on fire: ”After doing as much damage as possible these troops returned to camp at dusk .” [31] At 5.30pm the Tangale tried an attack on the camp, but suffered many casualties from Maxim gunfire from the camp and the returning Captain Short who added to the fire, leaving about 70 Tangale dead.
<44>
On 20th July the destruction of Shongom was continued to the south and south-west. Captain Short attacked a large village with the result of 22 casualties among the inhabitants. Shongom was totally destroyed and the crops burnt. Then Kaltungo and Ture came in and had to pay a fine in sheep and ivory.
<45>
On 22nd July the patrol marched through Ture, which offered no resistance, and on to Tula Wange, reaching a plateau about 1,200 yards from the town at 3.30pm. Tula Wange was shelled and a hamlet set on fire. Some men from Tula Wange came in with a sheep to surrender and thus the firing was stopped. When Howard decided to take the chief and his son to Bauchi, the chief’s son tried to attack Captain Short with a knife and was shot. On 23rd July the Maxim gun was fired twice at the town and the elders of Tula Wange were warned not to attack their neighbours.
The force then went back to Kaltungo and on 24th July to Tangaltong from where the different companies returned to their garrisons.
<46>
In the light of their past experiences with emirate forces it is quite understandable that the reactions of the local groups to the demands of the new administration were, at least, hesitant. It is reported that, unaware of the British military superiority and with the confidence of past victories, the chief of Shongom had sent a calabash full of beniseed to Bauchi with the words "Tell the whiteman to count the seed, tell him that numerous as the seeds are, we outnumber them, and tell him that when he has killed everyone of us he may, then, enter our country." [32] To these groups it must have looked like another attempt by the Fulani to conquer them, especially as the expedition was accompanied by emirate titleholders. And the Fulani titleholders now probably saw their chance to regain lost ground. The response from Howard’s force was swift and violent. The Waja, Longuda and Shongom Tangale were engaged in fights and skirmishes, which left more than 200 of them dead. Villages were destroyed and crops were burnt, cattle and other livestock worth £1,400 were confiscated and some of it given to the Emir of Gombe. This high amount bears more resemblance to indiscriminate looting than collecting of a tribute, especially as it had not been preceded by any assessment. [33] Tragically it became known only later, that the Waja had already paid their cattle tax (jangali) to Yola.
<47>
Although the violent action that caused so many casualties, as well as the involvement of Fulani were heavily criticised by the Resident of Yola and by the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Earl of Elgin, eventually the action was approved as appropriate by the authorities. [34]
<48>
At about the same time, from April to July 1906, on the southern fringes of the Muri Mountains, the Tsobo (Pire), as well as the Libo, were visited by a patrol led by Dr. Temple, consisting of about 50 rank and file with a British NCO and a Maxim gun, for constantly raiding neighbouring groups. The patrol destroyed Gumshi, a large Tsobo settlement, and about 50 people were killed. On their way back the force then visited Libo. Here Temple met opposition, therefore the town was destroyed and about nine Libo killed. Cynically enough, all this happened during a time when the country was ravaged by famine, and it was estimated that 50 percent of the Gongola valley population had died of starvation. [35]
<49>
There was a patrol around October 1906, led by Mr. Waters, to secure the trade road - which was disturbed by frequent attacks - from Gateri to Lau and to arrest the murderers of the chief of Bambur. [36]
<50>
At the end of 1906, the areas of the Waja, Tangale and Tula and settlements so far not visited by Resident Howard were covered by another patrol, again accompanied by Fulani titleholders, and once again with a devastating result: Tula Yiri and Tula Wange were destroyed, livestock confiscated and at least 55 Tula killed. [37]
<51>
On 10th December 1906, the Assistant Resident of Gombe Hastings, Captain Utterson (Commanding Officer Bima at that time), Colour Sergeant Austin with 70 rank and file and a Maxim gun, accompanied by Galadima Ako and Sarkin Yaki Kunde left Gwani and marched via Deba Habe and Jagali to Bangu in Waja district, where they arrived on 13th December. Here they remained until 15th December looking for cattle but without success. All inhabitants had left in fear. Sarkin Yaki Kunde was sent out to collect the Waja chiefs. The chiefs of Gelengu, Balanga, Dala Waja, Dong, Talasse, Degri and Swa came but with less tribute than expected (cloth worth £50). After collecting more tribute, the patrol continued to Reme via Dong. Again the tribute collected here was considered too low and Sarkin Yaki Kunde was asked to produce more. The patrol left Reme on 17th December to Tula Yiri on an unexplored road. Tula Yiri was visited for the first time. As they approached Tula Yiri they were told by the inhabitants not to come closer, and so they made camp. In the morning of 18th December it was reported that a force of 1,000–2,000 badly armed men from Tula Yiri and Tula Wange were advancing towards the camp. When they came close, Maxim gun fire was opened on them from a distance of 200 yards. When the Maxim jammed, rapid rifle fire commenced, forcing the Tula to retreat to the hills. The Tula warriors were pursued for about four to six miles, then their town Tula Yiri was burnt and 75 dwarf cattle seized. On inspection 20 Tula were found dead, 30–40 wounded, and there was one soldier wounded on the British side. When on the next day a party from Tula Wange came in to negotiate, they were asked to produce 1,000 goats as a fine. On 20th December the patrol continued to Tula Wange, whose inhabitants were estimated at about 7,000. The headman promised to send the taxes to the camp which was pitched 2½ miles east of Ture Chamba. When only 10 goats were produced, a warning was given to Tula Wange. The following day 40 goats were brought and some cloth. Considering this still too little, Assistant Resident Hastings requested Captain Utterson to attack Tula Wange. Thus on 22nd December a night assault was started, attacking the town by surprise at daybreak. The town and the chief’s house were burnt and 35 Tula were killed in the fighting. Tula Panda then brought in their tax. From Ture only little tax was taken due to the harassment they had experienced by Tula Wange. On 23rd December the patrol proceeded to Kaltungo where their tax, and that from Shongom, was collected. On 25th December they continued to Kamo and Awak. Here a tax equivalent of £10 from Awak and £6 from Kamo was taken. On 26th December they marched to Panda, on 27th to Deba Habe and back to Gwani on 28th December 1906.
<52>
The following year the Tangale-Waja area was again visited during October and November by a patrol to investigate a local conflict between Awak and Ture. There was a clash which left five Awak dead. Assistant Resident Holme proposed that Awak "[…] should be thoroughly broken and to do so I think nothing less that [sic] half a company of soldiers and a maxim will suffice." [38]
<53>
A force of 25 rank and file under the command of Lieutenant Stamer Gubbins joined Assistant Resident Holme at Gombe on 13th October 1907. They marched to Pindiga where they arrived on 19th October. Two days later they left Pindiga and camped 15 miles away near Tangale farms. On 22nd they visited Tangale, on 23rd Ture and continued on 25th to Awak, situated about five miles to the north-east of Ture residency.
<54>
The Ture chief had reported to Mr. Holme at Gombe in August that the Awak had made three raids on Ture farms killing 27 men since the middle of the year. Ture had constantly been harassed by Awak raids.
<55>
The patrol was accompanied by men from Pindiga, Tangale and Deba Habe. As no messenger could be found they climbed the hill by a south-eastern road. 200 yards from the first village they met about 50 warriors. When these refused to disperse, two volleys were fired killing five Awak men and wounding two. The warriors were pursued and the inhabitants were driven out of their villages. When the patrol had left the last village, they were approached by some elders, among them the chief of Awak. These surrendered and said that the young men had acted against their will. The chief was then told to bring food and wood down to the valley. About 20 men came bringing small goats and guinea corn. They were told to bring in all their arms. As a result some more corn was brought but no arms. The Awak messengers were accordingly sent back and again told to bring their arms. About six men came and brought the message that the chief would not come down. Holme told them to bring all their arms to Ture the next morning. As they did not do this, Assistant Resident Holme and Lieutenant Gubbins both proposed and reported the necessity to subdue Awak with the help of 60 soldiers and a Maxim gun.
<56>
On 28th October the patrol proceeded to Tula Panda. They wanted to stop at Tula Wange but as the Tula had blocked the road, the road was re-opened and they marched through the town. On 30th October they went to Balanga, and during the next days the Waja towns of Gelengu, Wala, Dala Waja, Dong and Reme were visited. They returned on 12th November to Deba Habe and were back at Nafada via Gwani on 22nd November 1907.
<57>
Some months earlier the compound of a Waja chief had been burnt by Lieutenant G. F. Phillips for not obeying his summons. Ironically, that harsh action was disapproved by Resident Howard. Later Lieutenant Phillips died in an accident while trying to climb the Tangale peak. [39]
<58>
In October 1908 Wurkun District of Muri Province was declared an unsettled district, mainly to close the area from the activities of missionaries and mineral prospectors. [40]
<59>
In the first quarter of 1909, a patrol under the command of Lieutenant Stamar Gubbins and led by Assistant Resident Carlyle toured Tangale-Waja in order to collect tax and investigate the killing of five Hausa traders. At two Tangale villages skirmishes ensued, resulting in 10 Tangale being killed. [41]
<60>
The force, consisting of Lieutenant Gubbins, one Sergeant and 27 rank and file left Nafada on 10th February 1909 meeting Assistant Resident of Gombe T. F. Carlyle at Deba Habe, a Tera village 63 miles south of Nafada. On 16th February they marched from Deba Habe via Panda and Awak to Ture. They stayed at Ture for two days to arrange for the collection of tax and to place a marble tombstone at the grave of Lieutenant Phillips who had met his death in April 1907 when attempting to climb the Tangale Peak. [42]
<61>
Then they visited Kaltungo from 21st to 24th February in order to collect tax. It was reported that some villages had killed and eaten five Hausa traders whom they had entertained for some weeks previously. These villages refused to pay taxes. Although Lieutenant Gubbins wanted to use force, Carlyle refused. Carlyle took 12 men and a Sergeant and collected some goats. They fired a shot to prevent the Tangale, armed with bows and arrows, lining the hill-tops from surrounding them. In a sacred ritual grove several skulls and human remains were found and this was unfortunately taken as evidence of murder. [43]
<62>
On 24th February the patrol proceeded to Shongom where the people readily brought in their tax. Then they proceeded to Tangale country where they stayed until 6th March. The Tangale were considered to be friendly but disinclined to pay tax. On 3rd March the patrol visited the village of Larika whose inhabitants refused to pay tax or come in, saying they were tired of taxes and the white men. Carlyle gave the inhabitants two hours to bring in the tax and then started to distrain for tax. When the men of Larika surrounded the patrol, the soldiers fired some shots, but as this did not disperse the gathering, 94 rounds were fired, killing 10 of the Tangale. The next day the people of Larika paid their tax. On 7th March the force returned to Ture via Awak and Kamo where taxes were collected. From 9th to 14th March they visited Tula country and met no resistance. From 16th to 26th March the patrol toured Waja country, where they were also well received. On 1st April they were back at Nafada.
<63>
A combined patrol of forces from Gombe and Muri, with officers from both provinces, toured the Muri Mountains proper in May and June 1909. [44] They went along the northern edge, then crossed the hills to the south and returned along its southern edge. Several places in that mountain refuge were visited for the first time. At Gomu a violent conflict arose which resulted in about 30 Gomu being killed. The Gomu warriors were defeated at the same place where they had beaten the Fulani forces years before. [45]
<64>
The proclaimed intention of the patrol was to bring the area under control and stop offenses committed on traders disturbing the important trading center of Lau.
<65>
On 20th April 1909 Colour Sergeant Bailey with 22 rank and file left Nafada and marched via Deba Habe, where they joined Assistant Resident of Gombe Carlyle, to the Jukun town of Gateri where they arrived on 28th April. Here they expected to meet with the party from Muri Division, but due to an illness of the Assistant Resident Fitzpatrick the meeting was delayed. Eventually on 12th May they were joined by Resident Lau Division K. V. Elphinstone, Assistant Resident Brice-Smith and Lieutenant Feneran with 54 rank and file. The combined patrol left Gateri on 14th May.
<66>
From here they first marched east and then south along the boundary line on which, however, both parties had differing views. That stretch of country was covered for the first time by a British patrol. They first visited the Pero settlements of Gwandum and Filiya, and Elphinstone remarked that he was repelled especially by the Pero. As Pero and Tangale claimed the same saltings on the river, that topic was discussed during the visit by the Galadima of Tangale and Sarkin Filiya. The next settlements they reached were Kushi and Burak. Burak expressed their contentment with the new administration protecting them against the neighbouring Lo and Pero, and they prepared a road to Gomu. Then the patrol continued to Lo, Gomu and Bambuka. Bambuka had been visited by W. P. Hewby in 1900 (he was an agent of the Royal Niger Company on the Benue and, later, Resident of Benue province) and the Bambuka were said to have been subject to the Emir of Yola. Recently there had been a series of quarrels between Gomu and Bambuka. When the patrol approached Bambuka, the people, armed with spears and shields, were working in the fields, and at first they assumed that the patrol were Gomu warriors. To settle the squabble, Resident Elphinstone decided on a fine of spears and shields from both groups, but the Gomu resented the fine. After waiting for one day, the patrol marched into Gomu town on 25th May. Half way up the pass the force was met by Gomu ready to defend their town, so the soldiers fired two volleys at them and fighting ensued, in which the Gomu were joined by the Lo who were their allies. At the end there were 31 Gomu killed and 19 wounded, and one Lo killed and 9 wounded, with no casualties on the British side.
<67>
The patrol continued to Kode. The Kode people they considered to be at a low stage of development but friendly and co-operative. Then they passed through Panya, Bambur and Kwonchi without incident and continued to Pitiko, Bashima, Kirim, Balassa, Ankwara and Batingo. The inhabitants of these settlements were considered to be friendly with the exception of those of Angule. Angule had been burnt three times and fought twice in the past, but now the inhabitants showed no resistance. The patrol did not collect the full amount of tribute, and nothing was given to the Emir of Muri as they felt he had not earned it, for the villages were not administered by him. Although the district had been placed under the Emir by the British administration in 1900, he had never visited it.
<68>
At Ligri it was discovered that a man called Haruna ruled the place, and the official chief was subservient to him. Apparently Haruna was the head of a gang of robbers. He had already had quarrels with the patrol of Mr. Waters in 1906 when he had taken two Wurkun women as slaves, which had led to fighting. Thus Elphinstone now tried to arrest Haruna, but he escaped. The Emir of Muri and Elphinstone tried to disperse his gang and arrested and convicted several of his men.
<69>
The route taken by the patrol was determined to be impractical and it was recommended that it should never be taken again.
On 27th May the two parties split and the Gombe party proceeded to Tangale country, arriving at Nafada on 14th June.
<70>
The question arises, why it was only at Gomu that there was an outbreak of violence? Could it be attributed to the attitude of a warlike, strong and victorious ethnic group such as the Gomu? Or were there probably other reasons? The patrol visited first Gomu, then Bambuka and then returned to Gomu. At that time relationships between the Bambuka and the Gomu were strained; both sides were under arms. It may well have been that the Bambuka used the opportunity to engage in a little intrigue, influencing the opinion of the British patrol against the Gomu and resulting in the Gomu assuming that the Bambuka would try to defeat them with the help of the British. Evidence from oral traditions collected among the Gomu and Lo suggests that this was indeed the case. The incident is well preserved In the oral traditions of both Gomu and Lo, and it is told that Gomu made the stream dry up which was running near the camp of the patrol in order to drive them away, however, to no avail. In the British reports consulted nothing is mentioned in this respect.
<71>
In 1910 again there were several patrols on both sides of the Muri Mountains.
At least three patrols were concerned with the southern parts of the mountains and were directed against Wurkun groups and eventually the Mumuye, and against the Bachama and the Kwa. Their goal was to keep trade routes open and prevent them being imperilled. The chief of the Bachama, Jaro, who had been installed by the British in 1904 and was now accused of being involved in highway robbery, was killed in a skirmish. [46]
<72>
From March to April 1910 a patrol of 30 rank and file under Resident Lonsdale burnt several quarters of Tangaltong (Tangale) and seized their corn as punishment for refusing to pay tax.
<73>
Resident Lonsdale had tried to collect taxes but one section of the Tangaltong district refused. As he had only seven policemen with him he could neither punish them nor force them to pay. Therefore a patrol of 30 soldiers under Lieutenant Wrenford from Nafada met Lonsdale at Deba Habe on 28th March 1910. Of the 15 resistant anguwas (village quarters), nine paid, the remaining six were burnt and a large stock of spears and shields was destroyed; in the largest anguwa the cornbins were opened and the corn seized. The force returned to Nafada on 10th April 1910. [47]
<74>
From August to September 1910 another patrol under Resident Lonsdale und Lieutenant Ching went again through Waja, Tula and Tangale country in order to settle local conflicts and punish the killing of Hausa traders.
<75>
On 25th August 1910 a force of 26 rank and file under Lieutenant C. H. Ching left Nafada to join Resident P. Lonsdale at Deba Habe. They marched to the Waja town of Sikkam, which they reached on 2nd September. Here they attempted to arrest the killers of three Hausa traders. A pot with six old human skulls with coloured teeth was discovered. As some years before, the discovery of a pot with human skulls was mentioned suggesting evidence of a crime or at least heinous rituals. At one compound the patrol met with some resistance; in the skirmish one Waja was killed. Then the village was burnt. Proceeding via Tula they arrived at Tangaltong on 10th September to arrest the killers of victims from a neighbouring town. As these were not handed over, on the next day the anguwas were destroyed and burnt without resistance. The neighbours helped in burning the culprits’ compounds. That clearly shows that the measures taken by the patrol were advantageous for some local factional interests. [48]
<76>
From November 1910 until January 1911 an extensive patrol under Assistant Resident Carlyle and Captain Wolseley traversed the countries of Waja, Tula and Tangale and marched through hitherto untouched areas in the north-eastern parts of the Muri Mountains. In addition, Longuda country, which had only been marginally touched by the patrols in 1904 and 1906, was further explored. Fighting broke out with the previously unvisited Kindiyo (Cham) and Bangwinji, which left one Kindiyo and 12 Bangwinji dead, several wounded and the obligatory burnt compounds. The so-called ‘pacification’ of local conflicts in the Tangale settlement of Tal led to the destruction of a village and the death of one man. [49]
<77>
Assistant Resident Carlyle left Deba Habe on 17th November 1910 and went via Panda, Ture and Kaltungo to Tangaltong, where he arrived on 20th November and built his camp at Tal. The objectives of his patrol were to settle friction in the Tangaltong area, to enquire into disturbances in the Waja area and to arrange the boundary with Yola Province.
<78>
Carlyle found out that the friction between Ture and Tangaltong was the result of the killing of seven Ture by Tangaltong (a matter which could not be settled by Captain Lonsdale’s patrol in August); further there was an affray between Kulkwinji section and Kwaiya section of Banganje which had not been settled and which so far had left two persons of both parties killed and eight wounded; and there was a clash between Tal and Tangalam in which three men had been killed. All three cases were dealt with by paying fines as compensation.
<79>
A faction fight in Kamo in which one man was killed was also settled by Carlyle through the payment of compensation. As the military escort had not yet arrived, Carlyle accomplished his tasks in Tangale country without military support.
<80>
On 3rd December Carlyle arrived at the Waja town of Gelengu where he was joined a day later by a force of 41 rank and file and a Maxim gun under the command of Captain Wolseley and accompanied by the Medical Officer of Nafada Dr. Lobb.
At Gelengu arrests were made in connection with a recent attack on the District Headman and the quarters of the guilty persons were destroyed.
<81>
The patrol started towards Cham country on 7th December, visiting Degri on the way and then Sikkam, which they left on 9th December 1910, then proceeding via Nyuwar to Kindiyo, which is one of the main settlements of the Cham. Here they stayed until 11th December. Carlyle observed that the plain between the Muri Mountains range and Tangale country was full of elephant and big game and a portion was infested with tse-tse fly. He stated that the Cham had been driven out of Degri by the Fulani. This, however, is doubtful, as all evidence suggests that the Cham were pushed to their current territory by the Waja. [50] According to Carlyle, Kindiyo was once visited by officers from Yola Province in 1906; Mona and Dadiya, however, had never been visited by British officers before.
<82>
Then the patrol marched along the foot of the mountain range to Mona.
The Cham people had been told to clear the road to Mona, but at Kindiyo the inhabitants of a small hamlet consisting of four compounds refused and even stopped other Cham from doing it. As a warning Carlyle had one compound burnt. This made the Kindiyo men pick up their arms, one arrow was shot and and as the result the archer was killed. Then the rest of the compounds were burnt.
<83>
The patrol stayed at Mona and went to Dadiya on 12th December where they were welcomed. On 14th December they proceeded to Bangwinji (or Kwim, as it is called in the report, Kwim being the Dadiya name for Bangwinji), where they camped at the foot of the hills. Title holders from Dadiya, i.e. Sarkin Dadiya and Galadima of Dadiya, accompanied the patrol. As the inhabitants of Bangwinji refused to come down from their mountain settlements, the patrol climbed up the hill and warned the Bangwinji people to show no resistance. At 2.30pm. they advanced on the village on the summit of the hill, where two attempts were made to stop the patrol which were answered by gunfire leaving 12 Bangwinji dead and three wounded. Again, the violence may have been aggravated by local interests as the relationship between Dadiya and Bangwinji was strained. The chief of Dadiya served the patrol as guide and interpreter at Bangwinji, thus it is quite likely that he manipulated the situation to have the Bangwinji punished. Evidence from oral traditions supports this interpretation.
<84>
The patrol stayed at Bangwinji until 15th December. From here they marched on 16th December further in a westerly direction to Kushi and proceeded on 18th December to Filiya. At the Jukun town of Gateri (Gwana) a WAFF station was established. Carlyle pointed out that there was some friction between Filiya and Gwandum. Pero, Cham and Dadiya were told that they had to pay tribute for the years 1911–12.
<85>
From Filiya the patrol went to Tal on 20th December. At Tal "several outrages" had been committed, but the inhabitants behaved in a friendly manner to the patrol with the exception of one hamlet which was therefore destroyed. In the ensuing skirmish one Tangale was killed. The patrol remained at Tal until 25th December, then went back to Waja country halting at Ture on 25th, Tula Wange on 26th and arriving at Gelengu on 27th. From here they intended to meet Mr. Webster of Yola Province at Guyuk in order to delineate the border between Waja and Yola districts. Thus on 28th December they crossed the hills via Bungo and Wala to Guyuk, where they arrived on 31st December 1910. From Guyuk they proceeded southward along the ‘Yam Yam hills’, visiting various Longuda hamlets which they found to be mostly deserted. They stopped at Bobini on 3rd January 1911 and crossed the big range moving to south west with a detachment of 20 men. Here they visited some Longuda villages on the south-eastern side of the ‘Yam Yam hills’. On 4th January they returned to Guyuk and as Mr. Webster did not arrive, they proceeded to Kombo the next day and returned to Nafada on the same day, arriving on 15th January. The report sums up that in total 180 shots had been fired and no casualties had been suffered on the British side.
<86>
The major settlements of the various groups in and around the Muri Mountains had now all been visited by British patrols. However, local conflicts, refusal to pay tribute and highway robbery led to further patrols in the following years.
<87>
From January to March 1911 Assistant District Officer Haughton with a patrol of half a company strength, first under Lieutenant Hebden and, later, under Lieutenant Wrenford toured the Wurkun country. [51] In his annual report Resident Ruxton asked whether it was suitable to subjugate the pagans by military force and then include them in the emirate, but he prefered the idea of showing force for two to three months and then continue with a few policemen. He remarked that there was strong resistance to a patrol in Mumuye country in this year. [52]
<88>
In the next year, 1912, another patrol was undertaken by Assistant Resident Haughton. Its aims were to deal with disorder and disturbances of trade and to reach the hitherto unvisited areas of Akassa and Gongon in Mumuye country. On 12th February 1912, Haughton, with a patrol of 50 rank and file under Lieutenant Ching and officer Cummins, left Lau and reached Wurkun country two days later. At Kwonchi some villagers, reportedly under the influence of an ex-prisoner, refused to pay tax, thus their stock was confiscated and their houses burnt. They submitted with the exception of the ex-prisoner. People at Lo also refused to pay tax and, as they also disturbed messengers from other locations bringing in their taxes, the people of Lo were ordered to pay, as a fine, 60 spears in addition to their tax. The patrol then continued to Mumuye country from 2nd March to 11th April. At three locations portions of the towns were burnt and razed for failing to collect their taxes. In Akassa country, which was hitherto unvisited, there was opposition, resulting in three shots being fired and two Mumuye being killed. [53]
<89>
In the second quarter of 1912, the military section stationed at Dadiya under Lieutenant Fowle escorted the Resident Gombe Division, Captan Lonsdale, to settle a tribal quarrel in Tula where a quarter of the village refused to pay a fine of spears and was subsequently destroyed. [54]
<90>
From January to April 1913 Assistant Resident Carlyle undertook another extensive patrol through the southern region of Gombe Division and he left a trail of destruction. A skirmish with the Pero at Gwandum resulted in 16 Pero being killed and four wounded and the destruction of the settlement; Kindiyo was again destroyed, as was the Waja settlement of Wala and a part of Ture. [55]
<91>
The patrol, consisting of 30 soldiers under the command of Lieutenant Geoghegan, left Nafada on 21st January 1913 and marched via Tongo, Deba Fulani and Deba Habe to Panda, where they arrived on 26th January. They then went to Awak and Kamo and on the 30th back to Awak. Next day they proceeded to Ture where they stayed until 2nd February. On 3rd February they continued to Kaltungo and on 6th to Tal. A local fight which had occurred at the village of Larika in October 1912 had left two Tangale dead, thus a fine of 75 shields and 300 spears was imposed. Kalmei was fined 30 shields and 100 spears for an attack at Banganje.
On 11th February the patrol went to Filiya and Carlyle observed that no road clearing had been done. The chief of Filiya came in to meet him but the chief of Gwandum refused.
<92>
Thus, on the next day Carlyle, Lieutenant Geoghegan and 23 soldiers marched to Gwandum and climbed Gwandum hill. Carlyle estimated its population at 2.323 with 829 male adults. As the Gwandum people came close, the soldiers started shooting and a skirmish ensued. The patrol fired their way up to the top and destroyed the town. In the evening the chief of Gwandum came in and reported that 16 of his men were killed and four wounded.
<93>
The force returned to Filiya where they stayed until 17th February and ordered the road to be cleared as far as Bangwinji. On 18th they marched to Kushi, on 20th to Banwinji and then to Dadiya. On 3rd March they continued to Mona and on 8th to Kindiyo. Because of a antagonistic attitude towards the British, a part of Kindiyo was destroyed on 12th March. Two days later they went to Jessu, then visited Nyuwar on 16th, Sikkam on 17th and Kulani on 19th March. On 21st they arrived at Degri and on the 22nd at the town of Wala, which was destroyed without opposition. Next day they went to Jalengo and on 25th March to Tula Wange. On 26th the patrol went by night to Ture in order to arrest some offenders. On 28th March a part of Ture was destroyed. The patrol returned to Panda and marched via Deba Habe, Deba Fulani, Tongo and Bage to Nafada, where they arrived on 2nd April 1913.
<94>
At the end of the year 1913 Assistant Resident Carlyle, who obviously believed in bringing in the taxes by force of a patrol, again made a tour through Waja, Cham and Longuda country. Kindiyo (Cham) refusing to pay its tax was involved in a clash and eight Kindiyo men were killed. At Jessu the headman’s compound was burnt. With the help of 2,000 Waja and 1,000 Tula who were asked to gather, Kindiyo was then forced to bring in their tax. [56]
<95>
Carlyle arrived at Nyuwar on October 29th 1913. The taxes from Dadiya, Tula and Tangale had been paid, and Nyuwar paid on the spot. He camped at Jessu and found that here no tax was paid. The Galadima was left to collect the tax and Carlyle proceeded on 31st October to Kindiyo, where he arrived on 1st November, which happened to be market day and therefore the efforts to collect money met with little success. He estimated Kindiyo to have 3,187 inhabitants. Tension started and in the night the inhabitants came and fired arrows. Next day Carlyle went to Mona. Mona paid their tax and Jessu also sent their tax to Mona. Carlyle sent for 12 soldiers and stayed the 4th to 5th November in Dadiya. The next eight days were spent preparing the road from Dadiya to Filiya, assisted by Dadiya and Tula Wange. He arrived at Kushi on 12th November and collected the tax from Pero. On 14th October Carlyle was joined by Haughton, Assistant Resident Lau Division Muri Province, and engaged in boundary demarcation from 15th to 21st November, which brought them to Lo and Bolere. On 18th November at Lo they were joined by 11 WAFF soldiers from Nafada. At Bolere they also met Mr. Ryan, 3rd Resident Numan Division Yola Province, who was there because the trade road to Lau via Bolere had been closed due to some incidents. Carlyle learnt that all Cham and Pero, except for Kindiyo, had paid their tax. He left Bolere on 24th November passing through the Tsobo towns of Suwa (or Wobongil) and arrived at Kindiyo on 25th November. He found the town deserted, all inhabitants had gone into hiding. He tried to locate the most truculent and found them hidden among rocks on a hill north of the town on 27th November. A fight broke out which left eight Cham dead and one wounded. He returned to the town and next day the headman came in and told him that he was trying to persuade the men to surrender. Carlyle moved to Jessu, where he stayed from 29th to 30th November and appointed the Galadima as the new chief, (the ex-headman was hiding, and his compound was therefore destroyed). On 1st December he returned to Kindiyo where the situation was unchanged, but when the various chiefs of Waja arrived with 2,000 men, all came in from their farms and paid their taxes. The Waja left on 3rd December when 1,000 Tula arrived and befriended the Cham people. In Carlyle’s opinion their refusal to pay tax was sparked by the unadministered state of the Tsobo towns which paid no tax. The military escort left for Nafada on 5th December.
<96>
This shows that Carlyle used the local alliances and frictions to achieve his goals, although the situation might well have turned out differently, for instance Kindiyo being overwhelmed by Waja and Tula warriors or all parties uniting against Carlyle.
<97>
In 1914 in the southern parts of the Muri Mountains, Assistant District Officer (ADO) Haughton with a police escort visited several settlements of Wurkun groups and Jen due to what was termed "various outrages" and took "executive measures" at Bambur, Lukudu, Senge and Jen. In September 1914 District Officer Glenny reported that Bashima, Kode and Jen refused to pay grain tribute for the troops at Yola, this resistance was explained with reference to the First World War. No patrol was undertaken because there were no police available. Ankwara, Kwa, Lukudu (Angule) and Lo refused to pay their tax for 1914, and further government messengers were assaulted at Ankwara and driven out by Lo. Ankwara and Kwa did eventually pay their tax in February 1915. [57]
<98>
In order to settle a violent conflict between rival factions of the Tangale, a patrol of 22 rank and file under Carlyle was dispatched. In its course, 14 Tal Tangale were killed, grain seized and given to the rival faction of Todi. [58]
<99>
On 13th November 1914 Carlyle was informed that there was trouble between Tal and Todi. The conflict had started when six Todi girls were raped by men from Tal. When their chief came to complain he was driven away, but his people killed two Tal men. On the following day Tal fell on Todi, and in the skirmish five men from Todi were killed, houses and corn bins were burned and looted. The Galadima of Tangaltong in West Tangale tried to intervene, but was driven away and wounded, 12 of his supporters were wounded and six killed. In the retreat they in turn killed nine Tal men.
<100>
The patrol gathered at Deba Habe, where on 18th November 15 soldiers arrived from Nafada and they were joined by seven soldiers from Bauchi on 25th November. That same day they left and arrived at Tal on 28th November 1914. After futile negotiations the soldiers fired upon Tal, drove out the inhabitants and burnt the town. Altogether 12 people from Tal were killed in the fighting and nine wounded, two of whom died later, raising the casualties to 14. In total 265 rounds were fired. On 29th all grain was taken from Tal’s quarters and given to Todi. On 30th the patrol continued to Pindiga and the next day to Ako.
<101>
The resistance of the local population in these years was explained by the situation caused by the First World War, as it was thought that it would weaken the British influence. Carlyle reported that the Tera were renewing the walls around their settlements fearing attacks by the Fulani after a possible withdrawal of the British.
<102>
In the next year, 1915, there was a patrol in Wurkun country again, leaving five Kwonchi dead and their compounds burnt. [59]
District Officer Groom left Mutum Biu on 6th March 1915 and went via Lau to Karim, where he arrived on 10th March. Here he tried to gather information about an incident in which two messengers, who had been sent to Kwonchi to tell them to provide labourers in order to assist a gun convoy, were killed. On the next day there was also a clash between some Kwonchi and some Fulani from Yola, in which three Fulani men were killed and four cattle slaughtered. On 13th March, when Major Ellis returned from leave, the patrol, consisting of District Officer Groom, Major Ellis and 24 soldiers, together with the District Head, left Karim for Kwonchi country. Certain quarters of Kwonchi, which were suspected of having been involved in the killing of the messengers, had formed an armed camp two miles north on the road to Kode. When the patrol approached the camp on the morning of 15th March, however, they fled. Major Ellis followed them and tried to arrest some; in the skirmish five Kwonchi were killed and one wounded. On the next day the compounds of the men found guilty were razed. This led to the submission of the other quarters of Kwonchi. The following day the compounds of the men who had clashed with the Fulani were also destroyed.
<103>
The patrol then moved to Angule via Pitiko. On arrival at Angule Lukudu the tax was collected without resistance. At Ankwara the man who had assaulted the government messengers was arrested. In 1910 ADO Haughton had forbidden a resettlement on Ankwara hill, but nevertheless a highway robber had established himself with some followers on the hill overlooking the Bauchi trade route. He escaped, but his houses were destroyed. The patrol then returned to Kwonchi on 20th March. On 22nd March they proceeded to Zo and arrested two men. They were sentenced to up to two years’ imprisonment. Two others from Kode and Gomu were sentenced for resisting Native Authority. It was reported that Lo had prepared to fight before they learnt about the patrol’s dealing with Kwonchi, and so the Lo brought in their tax without resistance. In the report Lo and Kode are described as being the least developed groups in the district. Groom then returned to Karim on 24th March, left Major Ellis at Lau and proceeded to Mutum Biu on 27th March 1915.
<104>
From 2nd June to 15th July 1916 a patrol of 70 soldiers, led by Captain Gardner, toured the country of Yungur, Lala, Longuda, Kanakuru and Tsobo (Pire). Among the Yungur the compound of a deserter from the West African Frontier Force was burnt, and they left Guyuk, which had already been punished ten years before by Oliver Howard, burnt for not having delivered their taxes. On 11th July they visited Dumna in Tsobo country without any incident and were back at Yola on 15th July 1916. [60]
<105>
The Tsobo at the south-eastern end of the Muri Mountains were brought under control in 1917, but were visited again by a patrol during the following year for having attacked the District Officer. [61]
<406>
The Resident of Muri Province, Fremantle, together with Major Edgar and a police force made a tour in Wurkun district for a fortnight in 1918. A chief feature of the visit was the capture by night by Major Ellis’ police in three places of persons who had been involved in the Wurkun outbreak of 1915. Three were condemned to death by Major Edgar and two sentenced to 10 years’ imprisonment. [62]
<107>
A combined patrol, consisting of officers from Gombe and Numan Divisions with 20 rank and file, toured the common border and the Tangale-Waja area in 1918 without causing any violent incidents. [63]
<108>
The ADO of Gombe Division, Pembleton, met with his military escort of 20 soldiers under the command of Colour Sergeant Mackenzie at Deba Habe on 10th March 1918. They first visited Tangale area and collected the tax of all Tula and Tangale communities with the exception of the southern villages. At Kampandi quarter in Western Tangale all inhabitants had fled because they had rescued a certain Lautulo who had been arrested for murder in February. Then they continued via Pero to Kindiyo where they met W. C. Moore, ADO Numan Yola Province, on 1st April. Moore collected tax from the Tsobo who had been subjugated the previous year. Kindiyo and Jessu also paid their tax. Pembleton and Moore together investigated the Yola-Bauchi border near Dadiya. From Dadiya, Pembleton then went to Filiya to collect tax. Here the Pero people had suffered from a smallpox epidemic. At Kampandi he found that the inhabitants had returned and their ward head Lawili was arrested. On 2nd May they went to Waja district where some men were convicted of murder. On 8th May Pembleton met Moore again at Kombo to continue with border matters. Pembleton then proceeded to Gelengu to collect the Waja tax and returned to Western Tangale on 20th May. On 23rd May he went to Kwaya and Pindiga, before returning to Nafada where he arrived on 2nd June 1918.
<109>
The era of violent punitive measures on a larger scale came to an end. However, in 1921 and 1923 there were outbreaks of violence in Tangale country which were dealt with by patrols that left three Tangale dead and four wounded.
<110>
On 5th January 1921 the chief of Kaltungo reported that the Galadima of Kaltungo had been killed by people of his anguwa on the day before, and so on 6th January the ADO Gombe Division, E. S. Pembleton, arrived at Kaltungo with several policemen. They tried to arrest the culprits who fled, a skirmish ensued and two Tangale were killed and two wounded. [64]
To the south of the Muri Mountains, the last patrol in Numan Division was sent to Bille in Batta country to subdue rebellious villagers in 1921. [65]
<111>
In March 1923, after an exercise to delineate the boundary between West Tangale and Gombe Emirate by the ADO Gombe, John Molyneux, there was concern among the Tangale on the grounds that they felt they were deprived of their land. About 700 Tangale men moved to the compound of the Galadima Ako (who served as the District Head of Gombe) at Kumo and attacked it on 26th March 1923. The Galadima fled to the camp of Molyneux, who brought in police who fired 18 rounds at the warriors, killing one man and wounding two. The following investigation made Galadima Ila, the head chief of West Tangale, responsible for the action. He was deposed and Sarkin Biliri was made their chief instead. Further, a fine of £130, i.e. half a year’s tax, was imposed. [66]
<112>
Early in 1929, in the Shongom area of Gombe district, a disturbance occurred which was quelled by the touring ADO E. A. Carr arriving with armed police and arresting the culprits. The conflict had its cause in a rivalry between a local headman and the authorised village head smouldering since 1927. [67]
<113>
In November 1930 among the Pero a commotion occurred, caused by a local dogari (chief’s bodyguard) beating a Pero man, which led to the District Head nearly being attacked. The angry villagers were calmed down by the missionary Walter of the Sudan United Mission. The ADO Carr went to Filiya with 19 policemen from Gombe and restored peace. [68]
<114>
Lugard’s directives regarding the use of force against native populations stated that unnecessary bloodshed should be avoided, but made it clear that under certain circumstances, when being attacked, compounds might be burnt and severe punishment inflicted.
"Every effort will be made to avoid bloodshed; time and opportunity will be given for surrender, and no shot will be fired until the troops have actually been fired upon, or (when the enemy are in largely superior numbers) are beyond all possible doubt about to be attacked; this is usually indicated by the raising of the war cry. If the resistance has been very determined, the houses of the Chiefs may be burnt and in extreme cases, the whole village may be fired." [69]
<115>
As was shown, for nearly twenty years patrols and punitive expeditions were the major instruments with which British colonial administration was enforced in the Muri Mountains region. In their reports, the British officers always took care to state the criteria justifying their actions (for instance, "war cry was raised").
<116>
The British had difficulty in grasping the attitude of the so-called pagans, shaped as it was by their former experiences with Fulani raids and domination. Carlyle, the only British officer is still well remembered in the northern Muri Mountains area today, compared the seizing of tax by force to the Fulani raids of emirate times. Nevertheless, he recommended the burning of compounds. He felt justified in his views by referring to the chief of Dadiya who "(...) once deliberately proposed to me that every pagan town should be burnt once a year." [70]
<117>
Non-Muslim groups were often despised by British officers, for example, the Resident of Lau Division, K. Elphinstone, stated that Pero and Burak people were the lowest and most degraded people he had ever met:
"At Gwandon and Borok I have never seen lower men, and I thought I had visited or had come in contact with most pagan tribes on the river Binue. They are lower than any I have ever seen in Muri, Nassarawa, or Adamawa and far lower according to Mr. Carlyle than the Tangali or Wajas. Every village is cannible [sic] and the worship is the lowest form of fetish. (...) I have never taken a thorough dislike to any pagan tribe out here before, but I certainly did in this case [Gwandum and Filiya]. They are perhaps the lowest we visited. Their smell, when talking to us, was so horrible that even the native soldiers and people could not stand it. (...) But I know perfectly well they are a people who will have to be 'broken' before they will do anything required of them." [71]
<118>
Similar statements were made by District Officer Groom on Kode and Lo some years later. [72]
Further prejudices prevailed and, as mentioned above, the discovery of skulls was frequently interpreted as evidence of criminal behaviour, without considering the ritual context in which the skulls may have been used.
<119>
The slightest resistance or even a hesitant attitude towards implementing British orders was repeatedly interpreted as insurrection. A careful reading of the reports shows that in only a few cases was the attack actually started by the local groups: more often they showed a reticent attitude or merely adopted a threatening posture. The groups who were used to defending themselves against invaders and retaining their independence were no match for the sophisticated weapons of the British patrols. The arms of the local groups consisted of bows and arrows (sometimes poisoned), spears and knives. Not even a dane gun or musket is ever mentioned in the files, and the Assistant Resident T. F. Carlyle notes that in the then Central Province "No tribes possess firearms." [73] The British had modern rifles and Maxim automatic guns.
<120>
From 1902 to 1923 the reports mention altogether 470 local men who were killed and about 90 were wounded, while on the British side only two carriers or soldiers were killed and three wounded. The majority of the victims, that is 395, were killed by patrols in the years 1906 to 1910, with the patrol led by Oliver Howard in 1906 standing out as the single most bloody one with 195 reported casualties.
<121>
Only rarely was a self-critical viewpoint taken. The Resident of Lau Division, Elphinstone, criticised the fact that the patrols only fought and burnt villages, but there was no administration:
"The people say all we can do is to come in with soldiers, have a fight and burn some houses, and then leave the country again." [74]
The refusal to pay tax in the early years is quite understandable since there was no obvious return. Development schemes and improvement of infrastructure were only begun in later years (cf. Brunk 1994).
<122>
On the other hand, there is evidence that patrols were utilised to further local interests. Complaints about harassment by neighbouring groups brought before the authorities may have resulted in action by a punitive patrol. There is also the possibility that in some cases patrols were misguided or the situation was intentionally misinterpreted so as to serve factional interests. For example, the patrol subduing the Gomu in 1909 acted in that specific situation in favour of the Bambuka, and the same would apply to the incidents at Bangwinji in 1910, where people from Dadiya acted as interpreters and guides. Especially in the case of the Tangale, the established administration did not take into account the existing rivalry between the different factions, but preferred one faction at the expense of others. This led to prolonged friction.
<123>
To conclude, it is worth citing two memoranda dating from 1921, in which District Officers Carlyle and Brackenbury summed up their experiences with so called "pagan" populations. [75] They recommended that a Political Officer always be accompanied by a patrol when the attitude of the population was uncertain:
"(...) moreover, if he is attacked, he should be able to hit back so hard and sharply, and give such an account of himself, that his assailants will regret having molested him. The greatest forbearance and patience must of course be used, but any open show of hostility, such as the shooting of arrows should be met with instant punishment. The offenders, if seen, should be fired on at once." [76]
<124>
Then, the problems often connected with interpreters are recognised:
"But like all interpreters they want most careful watching. Observation will generally show whether the real sense of your remarks is being conveyed to the pagans. Do not rely on one man, try several." [77]
<125>
Carlyle also supported swift and forceful action and especially recommended the burning of compounds as an effective measure:
"The essence of pagan rule is that one must act quickly, one must act strongly, and one must be ready to accept amends and make friends. It might be asked that when burning has been done what remained by way of sanction. The answer is that the pagan when he has had his punishment accepts it promptly, comes in and offers to start square. " [78]
<126>
At the level of administrative headquarters, and with an eye on public opinion at home in the United Kingdom, unnecessarily brutal measures were criticised, but the use of measured force was tolerated:
"Experience shows that, though, as is pointed out by these officers, a 'Patrol' is often of the greatest moral advantage in the initial stages of administration, yet 'Full dress Punitive Patrols' as a rule accomplish nothing, and are usually the result of the District Officer or Assistant District Officer having been unable or unwilling to give those 'short sharp lessons' to which Captain Brackenbury refers as mere 'police measures'." [79]
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[1] I am grateful to Pete Eccles for his tireless proofreading and corrections of my English, to Ulrich Kleinewillinghöfer and Johannes Harnischfeger for their comments and helpful criticism, and to Rüdiger Seesemann for providing me with a copy of the "History of Islamic Political Propaganda in Nigeria". Remaining errors are, of course, entirely mine. A first version of the paper was given at the International Conference on "Environmental and Cultural Dynamics in the West African Savanna" at the University of Maiduguri in March 2002, and will be published in the forthcoming proceedings. Due to limitations by the editors, a major part of the material presented here could not be included in the proceedings, hence I decided to publish this extended version as a separate study.
[2] For a detailed listing of the various groups and their linguistic classification see Adelberger & Kleinewillinghöfer (1992:47). For the Adamawa languages of Niger-Congo in particular, see Kleinewillinghöfer (1996). A general study of the linguistic situation in Nigeria is Crozier & Blench (1992).
[3] NAK SNP 7 - 1881/1911, Bauchi Province Annual Report 1910: Bauchi Province Report Annual for year ending Dec. 1910 by Resident E. C. Duff.
[4] General studies are Adeleye (1971); Dusgate (1985); Ikime (1977); Marjomaa (1998); Muffet (1964); Orr (1911). Ukpabi (1973) deals with early British expeditions in Borgu, and in part 5 ‚Colonial Experience‘ of Idrees & Ochefu (2002) are several articles on colonial military encounters experienced by various groups of Central Nigeria.
[5] NAK SNP 16 - Gen 1110, Early Patrols in Adamawa Province, Publication of.
[6] Wurkun (in the older sources sometimes Wurkum) is a generic term for certain groups living in the western Muri Mountains, comprising Kulung, Piya, Kode and Kwonci (see Adelberger 1992).
[7] NAK Yola Prof K.5/SII, Gazetteer of Adamawa Province (1936:102).
[8] NAK SNP 10 - 77P/1913, Muri Province, Gwomu District, Lau Division, Assessment Report by T. H. Haughton.
[9] NAK Bau Prof 231F, Pagan Administration Tangale-Waja District: Report on the Tangale-Waja Districts by Mr. A. B. Mathews, D.O. (1934:18). For a study of warfare and armed conflicts between the peoples of the Jos Plateau and adjacent Fulani emirates see Mangvwat (1992).
[10] Cf. Smaldone (1977:110 ff); Achi (1988:152); Yakubu (1992:148).
[11] For a similar argument with regard to peoples of the Jos Plateau see Mangvwat (1992:114), who, however, argues that the mountainous nature of the Plateau was not decisive for its defence. Alliances between groups of the Muri Mountains area were nevertheless created for more efficient defence, see p.16.
[12] NAK Yola Prof K.5/SII, Gazetteer of Adamawa Province (1936:99).
[13] Hoes were used as a kind of money.
[14] IAI cons. 2 box 2(4), McBride.
[15] These battles are said to have taken place near Kalanko and near Didango.
[16] NAK SNP 10 - 77P/1913, Muri Province, Gwomu District, Lau Division, Assessment Report by T. H. Haughton; NAK SNP 7 - 5093/1907, Wurkum Patrol 1909: Report on Wurkum Patrol by Resident Lau Division Elphinstone 1st July 1909. According to McBride (n.d.:18) this took place about 1850.
[17] NAK SNP 7 - 3803/1909, Patrol Tangale- Waja, Report on: From the Resident Bauchi Province to the Secretary to the Administration, Zungeru, by E. H. Lewis Resident Bauchi 5th July 1909.
[18] IAI cons 2 box 2(4), McBride.
[19] NAK Yola Prof K.5/SII, Gazetteer of Adamawa Province (1936:99-100, 127).
[20] NAK SNP 6 -140/1907, Bauchi Province, Patrols and Expeditions (Confidential): Province of Bauchi, Report No. 28 for April–July 1906, Waja-Tangale Expedition, by Resident Oliver Howard: p.6-7. NAK Bau.Gaz. 690 Vol. 3, Bauchi Gazetteer: p. 90. NAK SNP 17 - 21103, Gombe Emirate, Bauchi Province, Pagan Administration: p. 4-5.). NAK SNP 10 - 445P/1914, Central Province, Gombe Emirate, History of by T. F. Carlyle: p. 20. Temple (1922:348). See also Adelberger, Brunk, Kleinewillinghöfer (1993:36, note 8).
[21] Traditional titles: galadima: high ranking official, sarki: chief, sarkin yaki: war chief.
[22] NAK SNP 10 - 715P/1913, Central Province, Gombe Emirate, Ako District, Waja Sub-District, Assessment Report on by Mr. T. F. Carlyle (1914). NAK SNP 10 - 445P/1914, Central Province, Gombe Emirate, History of by T. F. Carlyle.
[23] See also Brunk (1994:20-21).
[24] PRO CO 879/58 Report on a Recruiting Expedition. PRO CO 446/4 Report by Lieutenant Bryan on his Recruiting Tours on the Benue. Cf. also Dusgate (1985:113–115).
[25] Cf. Dusgate (1985:138–144).
[26] NAK SNP 15 Acc. No. 30, Report on Field Operations 1902. See also Dusgate (1985:145–155).
[27] NAK Yola Prof K.5/SII, Gazetteer of Adamawa Province (1936:160-162).
[28] NAK SNP 15 Acc. 117, Reports from Muri Province 1906: Province of Muri, Report No. 45 for months April, May and June by Acting Resident Mr. K. V. Elphinstone.
[29] NAK SNP 6 -140/1907, Bauchi Province, Patrols and Expeditions (Confidential):
-
Province of Bauchi, Report No. 28 for April–July 1906, Waja-Tangale Expedition, by Resident Oliver Howard
-
Enclosure in despatch confidential of 26th March 1907, subject Wajah-Tangale [sic] expedition
-
C. Barlow, Waja-Tangale Expedition
[30] NAK Bau.Gaz. 690 Vol.3, Bauchi Gazetteer: p.27–28. See also (Adeleye 1971:321 ff); Lovejoy and Hogendorn (1990). The report by Tomlinson and Lethem (1927) is a study of Mahdist influences in Nigeria and across the Sudanic Belt to Sudan and Egypt.
[31] NAK SNP 6 -140/1907, Bauchi Province, Patrols and Expeditions (Confidential) C. Barlow, Waja-Tangale Expedition: p.1.
[32] NAK SNP 6 -140/1907, Bauchi Province, Patrols and Expeditions (Confidential):- Province of Bauchi, Report No. 28 for April–July 1906, Waja-Tangale Expedition, by Resident Oliver Howard,
[33] In 1912-13 the annual tax collected in neighbouring Ako District was only £1,155 after a considerable influx of immigrants (NAK SNP17-43202 Ako District-Gombe Division, Bauchi Province, Assessment Report on by Capt. Lonsdale 1912).
[34] NAK SNP 6 -140/1907, Bauchi Province, Patrols and Expeditions (Confidential): Extract from Resident Yola’s (N. Barclay) letter dated 11/1/07. Confidential report by Earl of Elgin, Secretary of State for the Colonies, Gov. House, N. Nigeria, Lokoja, 26th March 1907. See also Ikime (1974).
[35] NAK SNP 7 - 1757/1907, Annual Report on the Yola Province for the year 1906: Yola Province, Annual report for 12 months ending 31st December 1906 by Resident G. N. Barclay. See Weiss (1997) for the relationship between hunger crises and colonial policy in Northern Nigeria.
[36] NAK SNP 15 Acc. 117, Reports from Muri Province 1906: Province of Muri, Report No. 45 for months April, May and June by Acting. Resident Mr. K. V. Elphinstone. See also McBride (n.d.:9).
[37] NAK SNP 6 -140/1907, Bauchi Province, Patrols and Expeditions (Confidential):
-
On Patrol Waja, Tula, Tangale, Gombe 7th Jan. 1907
-
Report on patrol through Waja, Tula and Tangale districts by Capt. Utterson
The campaign is also described by Hastings in his memoirs (Hastings 1925:67-89).
[38] NAK SNP 7 - 5158/1907, Patrol in the Tangale District - Bauchi Province - Report on:
-
AR H. F. C. Holme to the Resident Bauchi, 27th October 1907
-
Awok [sic] Report by Lieut. Stamer Gubbins, 26th Oct. 1907
-
Report and Diary of Tour in Tanjali [sic], Tula and Waja Country by Lt. S. Gubbins
[39] NAK SNP 6 -140/1907, Bauchi Province, Patrols and Expeditions (Confidential): Prov. Bauchi, Report No. 31 for quarter ending March 1907 by Res. O. Howard.
[40] NAK SNP 7-4405/1908 Wurkum District, Muri Province, order declaring it to be an unsettled district.
[41] NAK SNP 7 - 3803/1909, Patrol Tangale-Waja, Report on: Diary and Report of Tangale Waja Patrol, February and March 1909 by Lt. Stamar Gubbins.
[42] On Lieutenant Phillips and his abortive ascent of theTangale Peak see Adelberger 1994 and Jungraithmayr 1994.
[43] On Tangale beliefs and rituals see Hall 1994.
[44] NAK SNP 7 - 147/1911, Boundary Muri - Bauchi: Extract from report on Wurkum Patrol, 1st July 1909 by Elphinstone,
NAK SNP 7 - 5093/1907, Wurkum Patrol 1909:
-
Report by Col. Sergeant C. Bailey 15th June 1909
-
Report on Wurkum Patrol by Resident Lau Division Elphinstone 1st July 1909
-
Extract from report from AR Gombe to Resident Bauchi by Lt. Hugh de Putron, OC Nafada
[45] NAK SNP 7 - 147/1911, Boundary Muri - Bauchi. NAK SNP 7 - 3803/1909, Patrol Tangale-Waja, Report on: From the Resident Bauchi Province to the Secretary to the Administration, Zungeru, by E. H.Lewis Resident Bauchi 5th July 1909.
NAK SNP 7 - 5093/1907, Wurkum Patrol 1909.
NAK Yola Prof Acc. 15, Misc. Papers re Wurkum and Muri 1912: Gwomu District Wurkum Country Assessment Report Nov. 1912 by AR T. H. Haughton.
NAK SNP 10 - 77P/1913, Muri Province, Gwomu District, Lau Division, Assessment Report by T. H. Haughton.
[46] NAK SNP 7 - 1317/1911, Muri Province, Annual Report 1910. NAK Yola Prof K.5/SII, Gazetteer of Adamawa Province 1936: p.162–163.
[47] NAK SNP 7 - 1056/1910, Patrol Nafada-Tangale.
[48] NAK SNP 7 - 5401/1910, Waja District, Escort to Tangale Patrol: Report on the Waja - Tangale patrol by Lt. C. H.Ching.
[49] NAK SNP 7 - 5401/1910, Waja District, Escort to Tangale Patrol:
-
Report of November 26, 1910 by Assistant Resident Carlyle, Assistant Resident Deba Habe to the Resident Gombe. The Tangaltong group of Tangale
-
Assistant Resident Carlyle to Resident Gombe. Waja - Tangale Patrol
-
Tangale - Waja - Longuda Patrol by Capt. E. J. Wolseley
NAK SNP 7 - 1881/1911, Bauchi Province Annual Report 1910. NAK SNP 7 - 952/1911, Bauchi Province Quarterly Report ending December 1910.
[50] Cf. Kleinewillinghöfer 2001: p. 242; NAK SNP 17 - 9150, Cham Tribe, Ethnological Notes on, by S. W. Walker, DO Gombe Division, 1929; NAK Bau Prof 231B, Pagan Administration, Gombe Emirate: Pagan Administration by Mr. Drummond-Hay, DO Gombe Division, 1934.
[51] NAK SNP 7 - 5552/1911, Patrol Wurkum - Mumuye Country - Muri Border. NAK SNP 10 - 181P/1913, Muri Province, Annual Report 1912.
[52] NAK SNP 7 - 970/1912, Muri Province, Annual Report 1911: Annual Report No. 75 for 1911 by F. H. Ruxton, Resident Muri Province.
[53] NAK SNP 7 - 5552/1911, Patrol Wurkum - Mumuye Country - Muri Border:
-
Lieut. C. H. Ching ”Report on the Wurkum - Mumeye [sic] Patrol”, 4th April 1912
-
T. H. Haughton (A.R. Pagan Districts Lau Division) ”Operations of the Wurkum - Mumuye patrol during February and March 1912”, 14th April 1912
NAK SNP 10 - 181P/1913, Muri Province, Annual Report 1912.
[54] NAK SNP 10 - 126P/1913, Central Province Annual Report 1912: Central Province (Supplement to Annual Report for 1912). Summary of principal change for seven years, 1906–1912 by Resident F. B. Gall.
[55] NAK SNP 10 - 263P/1913, Central Province - Gombe Division, Pagan tribes, Report by Mr. T. F.Carlyle on his visit to:
-
South Gombe Pagan Patrol, January–April 1913, Diary of Itinerary by Lt. J. R. Geoghegan,
-
To the Resident Central Province re Your 236/A and subsequent correspondence by AR Gombe T. F.Carlyle.
[56] NAK SNP 10 - 745P/1913, Military Escort for Mr. T. F. Carlyle: From 3rd class Resident I/C Gombe Division to the Resident Central Province, Naraguta (by T. F. Carlyle).
[57] NAK SNP 9 - 778/1919, Report on Wurkum District, Muri Province: A. Holdsworth Groom ”From the District Officer I/C Muri Div. to the Resident Muri Province”, 7th April 1915.
[58] NAK SNP 10 - 633P/1914, Central Province - Disturbance in Independent Pagan Tangale Tangaltong Group: T. F.Carlyle, DO Gombe Division, on 9th Dec. 1914 to the Resident Central Province.
[59] NAK SNP 9 - 778/1919, Report on Wurkum District, Muri Province:
-
A. Holdsworth Groom ”From the District Officer I/C Muri Div. to the Resident Muri Province”, 7th April 1915
-
R. Fairfax Ellis ”From Major Ellis, Assistent Commissioner of Police to the D.O. in charge Muri Division”, 24th March 1915.
[60] NAK SNP 10 - 297P/1916, Yola Province, Patrols to Lala, Longuda and Yungeru tribes, sanction for: Report on pagan tribes in the Yola province visited by a patrol of ‘A’ company 2nd N.R. June 2nd – July 15th 1916 by Capt. A. Gardner, 18th July 1916.
[61]
NAK SNP 10 - 640P/1917, Bauchi Province - Waja-Tangale District, Military Escort to.
NAK Yola Prof K.5/SII, Gazetteer of Adamawa Province (1936:163).
[62] NAK SNP 10 - 62P/1919, Muri Province, Annual Report: Resident J.M.Fremantle Report No. 102 for Half Year ending 30th June 1918. See also McBride (n.d.:25).
[63] NAK SNP 10 - 640P/1917, Bauchi Province - Waja-Tangale District, Military Escort to: Waja-Tangale Escort, March–June 1918 by E. S. Pembleton, ADO Gombe Division.
[64] NAK SNP 9 - 1271/1922, Bauchi Province, Annual Report 1921: Annual Report Bauchi Province for the year 1921 by Resident J. M. Fremantle,
NAK SNP 10 - 117P/1921, Bauchi Province, Report for 15 months ended 31/3/21,
NAK SNP 10 - 12P/1921, Bauchi Province, Gombe Division, Galadima of Kaltungo, Murder of by the people of his compound.
[65] NAK Yola Prof K.5/SII, Gazetteer of Adamawa Province (1936:163).
[66] NAK SNP 9 - 1501/1923, Tangale District (West), Gombe Division, Bauchi Province - Disturbance in:
-
Memorandum from Resident Bauchi Province to Secretary Northern Provinces, 7th May, 1923 by J. M. Fremantle, Resident Bauchi Province.
An enquiry into the conduct of the inhabitants of the Tangalto and Biliri towns of West Tangale in the Gombe Division of Bauchi Province by John H. Molyneux, ADO Gombe Division, 03/30/1923.
NAK SNP 9 - 88/1924, Bauchi Province, Annual Report (1923:9–10).
[67] NAK SNP 17 - 11895 vol.1, Bauchi Province, Annual Report 1929.
[68] NAK SNP 17 - 14672 vol.1, Bauchi Province, Annual Report 1930. See also Faust (n.d.:17–18). Walter was awarded the OBE (Order of the British Empire) for his intervention (see EMK Transcript).
[69] Political Memorandum No. 7 cited in Ikime (1974:279-280).
[70] NAK Yola Prof - F.3, Administration of Pagans, Collected Papers 1910–1927: DO T. F. Carlyle to the Resident Yola Province (1921:5).
[71] NAK SNP 7 - 5093/1907, Wurkum Patrol 1909: Report on Wurkum Patrol by Resident Lau Division Elphinstone 1st July 1909:6, 10.
[72] NAK SNP 9 - 778/1919, Report on Wurkum District, Muri Province: A. Holdsworth Groom ”From the District Officer I/C Muri Div. to the Resident Muri Province”, 7th April 1915:9.
[73] NAK SNP 7 - 1421/1912 Central Province - Historical, Geographical and Ethnological Notes.
[74] NAK SNP 7 - 5093/1907, Wurkum Patrol 1909: Report on Wurkum Patrol by Resident Lau Division Elphinstone 1st July 1909:3.
[75] NAK SNP 10 - 370P/1921, Pagans (Raw), Memoranda by Capt. E. A. Brackenbury and Mr. T. F. Carlyle on the treatment of: Notes on the treatment of raw pagans in Districts not yet under control by DO E.A. Brackenbury; Pagan Training by DO T. F. Carlyle.
[76] NAK SNP 10 - 370P/1921, Pagans (Raw), Memoranda by Capt. E. A. Brackenbury and Mr. T. F. Carlyle on the treatment of: Notes on the treatment of raw pagans in Districts not yet under control by DO E. A. Brackenbury: p.1.
[77] NAK SNP 10 - 370P/1921, Pagans (Raw), Memoranda by Capt. E. A. Brackenbury and Mr. T. F. Carlyle on the treatment of: Notes on the treatment of raw pagans in Districts not yet under control by DO E. A. Brackenbury: p. 3.
[78] NAK SNP 10 - 370P/1921, Pagans (Raw), Memoranda by Capt. E. A. Brackenbury and Mr. T. F. Carlyle on the treatment of: Extract from a former article by DO T. F. Carlyle: p.3.
[79] NAK SNP 10 - 370P/1921, Pagans (Raw), Memoranda by Capt. E. A. Brackenbury and Mr. T. F. Carlyle on the treatment of: The Secretary, Northern Provinces, Kaduna to the Honourable, the Chief Secretary to the Government, Lagos, 1921.
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