The Jukun of Kona, the Emir of Muri and the French adventurer: An oral tradition recounting Louis Mizon's attack on Kona in 1892
Jörg Adelberger and Anne Storch

Louis Mizon, a Lieutenant of the French Navy, assisted the Emir of Muri, Muhammadu Nya, in conquering the Jukun of Kona in 1892 in an attempt to expand the influence of France in the region of the Benue river. The Emir had besieged Kona in vain for six years, but with the superior military technology at Mizon's disposal, the town was subjugated. It was a traumatic event which is preserved in the oral traditions of the Jukun until today. The essay presents an oral text recorded in 1996, placing it in the historical context and offering interpretations.
C’est grâce à Louis Mizon un lieutenant de la Marine française que Muhammadu Nya, Emir de Muri a conquis les Jukun de Kona en 1892. Ainsi réussit-il à étendre l’influence de la France dans la région du fleuve Bénoué. L’Emir qui six ans auparavant avait tenté sans succès de s’emparer de Kona, en vint enfin à bout grâce aux moyens militaires et techniques mis à sa disposition par Mizon. Cela fut un événement traumatique dont on se souviendra encore à travers la tradition orale des Jukun. Cet exposé présente un texte oral recueilli en 1996, qui replace l’événement dans son contexte historique  et en  donne une interprétation.  
Unterstützt vom französischen Marineleutnant Louis Mizon gelang es dem Muhammadu Nya, Emir von Muri, die Jukun von Kona zu erobern. Mizon versuchte auf diesem Wege den französischen Einfluss in der Region des Benue-Flusses auszudehnen. Der Emir hatte sechs Jahre zuvor vergeblich versucht, Kona einzunehmen, aber mit Mizons überlegener Militärtechnologie wurde die Stadt nun endgültig unterworfen. Dies war ein traumatisches Ereignis, das in der oralen Tradition der Jukun bis heute erinnert wird. Der Aufsatz präsentiert einen 1996 aufgezeichneten oralen Text, der in den historischen Zusammen gestellt und erläutert ist.
Prologue
		The interference of Mizon is bitterly remembered by the Kona, who state that, but for Mizon’s guns, they would have remained independent of Fulani suzerainty. (Meek n.d., p.27)	
<1>
In the mid-nineties, the present authors collected a corpus of narratives and texts on founding histories of several Northern Jukun villages in North-Eastern Nigeria. This was done in the context of an interdisciplinary project on language contact and cultural change in the West African savannahs and led to some unexpected results.
<2>
Most of the local histories given to us were texts that reflected the history of the Jukun as interpreted and told in Meek (1931). More than once, Jukun historians referred to Meek’s book or brought it along in order to make our work more convenient. Other texts, in contrast, focused on the recent past, and re-formulated (or simply created) history, referring to Jukun perspectives on ongoing conflict.
<3>
One local expert in history, Zorey Nunoye of the village of Kona, however, wanted to tell us about an aspect of the history of his village that he considered specifically important: the history of how it was destroyed and deserted, not of how it was founded. One afternoon in January 1996, Zorey Nunoye agreed to talk to Anne Storch and tell her about what he remembered of Kona history. This proved to be a most fortunate encounter, as Zorey was not only the descendant of eye-witnesses of the incident he talked about, but also closely associated to the clan who keeps some of the material evidence of history. Zorey Nunoye was not only eager to tell the story, but also wanted to prove its truth.
<4>
At the same time, he told history from beyond – not referring to those documents kept in the archives, but to the ritual and magical dimensions that lay behind the incidents of more than 100 years ago, and to the reasons why this needs to be remembered.
<5>
The text that emerged out of the encounter is not only Zorey Nunoye’s contribution, but generated a large number of comments during the process of transcribing and translating it with the help of two mother-tongue speakers of Jibe, the language of Kona, Edward Shaukei and John Shumen. Both were still young men in 1996, but had already been initiated to the shrines and were able to decide what to explain and what not, in order to not violate taboos and betray the ancestors and gods that resided in the shrines and sacred forests.
<6>
Consequently, the translation and commentary on the Kona text are based on comments by Shaukei and Shumen. The text presented below has several meanings, which may be commented on by generations of Kona historians to come, as the written document presented here is made available in the virtual archive.
<7>
In 1996, when the encounter and recording took place, Kona had just experienced deeply disturbing investigations against some dozens of elders who were suspected by the Nigerian police to have murdered traders of African art, who had come from Kano in order to buy sculptures in Kona, and were never seen again. Why would Zorey Nunoye tell the story of old Kona’s end and not of its recreation and recent past? Why was this incident of so much more importance to him than the village’s founding history or its recent struggle? This contribution aims at demonstrating that one important reason for his choice is that this text wants to explain that Kona men are almost invincible, and modern technology – mortars and machine guns of the police alike – do not succeed easily against these people’s knowledge on magic and spiritual agency.
<8>
Usually, an historical event is most likely to be preserved in the oral traditions of a group and transmitted when two conditions are fulfilled: the event had significance for the group at the time when it occurred and it is still significant at the time when the tradition is recorded (cf. Vansina 1985:118-19).
<9>
The episode which is the topic of the text presented in this article meets these criteria. For the Jukun of Kona it was a traumatic incident which, by drawing them into the maelstrom of the scramble for Africa, confronted them with powerful military technology unknown to them so far and subjugated this hitherto independent people.
<10>
An oral text may be regarded as an historical document which is handed over from generation to generation, being modified during this process and whose former versions are lost (cf. Vansina 1985:29). Hence it is interesting to compare the present-day tradition told by the Kona-Jukun with the description of events laid down in written form by the French adventurer Mizon and others in the late 19th century. At the end of the text, the authors’ comments on the cultural patterns and socio-religious set-up of Kona aim at providing contextual information from a late 20th century point of view.
<11>
The text is thus presented with two commentaries, after providing information on the historical set-up. One commentary is based on ethnographic and linguistic research in the 1990s and contains additional information on how the present authors interpreted the text. The second commentary is based on Edward Shaukei’s and John Shumen’s interpretation, without whom most of the recorded text would have remained incomprehensible and ambiguous to the non-Jibe audience.
Introduction
<12>
In an effort to expand the French sphere of influence in West Africa in the early 1890s, Louis Mizon, a lieutenant of the French Navy, undertook two expeditions along the Niger and Benue rivers into regions which were dominated by the British Royal Niger Company (RNC). The RNC was de facto exercising a trade monopoly, although navigation on the Niger River was nominally free to everyone (Crowder 1962:152-53).
<13>
Louis Alexandre Antoine Mizon was born in 1853 and joined the French Navy in 1869. He had accompanied Pierre Savorgnan de Brazza on his expeditions in the Congo in the early 1880s. The expeditions led by Mizon were part of a wider scheme by the French Colonial Department to gain France more influence in West Central Africa, and comprising the expeditions by Paul Crampel to Chad and by Commandant Monteil on the Upper Niger. Officially, Mizon’s expeditions were purely scientific, but the covert goals were to sign treaties with local rulers.
<14>
On his first expedition in 1890-91, after having faced various difficulties (they were attacked by the Patani on the Lower Niger and towed back to Akassa by the RNC, where several of his companions died or became so ill that they had to return) and without initial clearance by the Royal Niger Company, Mizon eventually reached Yola on the armed steam-launch ‘René Caillié’. Here he stayed for four months in the same house as Eduard Flegel had lived. Zubeiru, the Emir of Yola, however, was not willing to sign a treaty with him and Mizon had to leave the capital of Adamawa by an overland route via Ngaundere. He joined De Brazza in the Congo in April 1892 before returning back to France. In his company he had S’Nabou, a 12 year-old-girl who allegedly was the daughter of a local ruler. Later it turned out that she was the niece of a Niger Company pilot and was bought as a slave. They were highly welcome guests in the salons of Paris.
Figure 1: Louis Mizon (Alis 1894)
	
<15>
Notwithstanding his frustrated efforts in Adamawa, back in France he claimed to have been successful and gained support for a second expedition. This time Mizon received the permission by the RNC to travel, and in August 1892, again under the pretext of a purely commercial and scientific expedition, the two steamboats ‘Sergent-Malamine’ and ‘Mosca’, each armed with a four-pounder quick-firing cannon and carrying altogether 100 Senegalese sharpshooters, set off along the River Niger. The ships were loaded with 150 modern rifles with 18,000 rounds of ammunition and 100 revolvers with 15,000 rounds.
<16>
The RNC had attacked Jibu, a town in Muri Emirate, in 1884, 1888 and again in 1891, and consequently the Emir of Muri ordered the company to quit his territory and closed their factories at Lau and Kunini. Thus, Mizon arrived at a time suitable to his intentions. He ran his vessel aground on a sandbank, giving him a chance to stay at Muri until the next season's high water. On November 23rd, 1892 he signed a treaty with the Emir of Muri Muhammadu Nya, claiming his territory to be a protectorate of France. He established trading posts at Mainarawa and Kunini and put an end to the RNC's commerce in the emirate. Mizon gave the Emir 20 rifles and 20 revolvers and ammunition and trained his soldiers in using them, but the Emir made it clear that he required a higher price for the treaty. Mizon should assist him in conquering the Jukun of Kona which the Emir had been besieging in vain since six years. The Kona-Jukun interrupted the trade along the route coming from Kano via Bauchi, Muri and Bomanda proceeding to Bango, Tibati and Ngaundere, and even with the aid of Bauchi the Emir of Muri was unable to overpower them by his own means.
<17>
On 17th December 1892 Mizon moved with several of his companions, 14 Senegalese sharpshooters and a cannon towards the Emir’s war camp near Kona. On 25th December the attack on Kona started. The main body of troops united near a swamp with the vanguard moving the cannon. The troops of the Emir consisted of about 700 Fulani infantrymen, 120 cavalrymen, 500 allied archers and spearmen, and 20 sharpshooters with Snider rifles. Additionally there was the group of Mizon. The chief of Kona was not impressed by the gathering troops: 
"Le chef de Koana n’a vraiment pas peur! Il se croit en parfaite sécurité derrière ses murs; aussi vient-il d’envoyer un défi au sultan : ‘Les blancs sont chez toi depuis cinq jours, et tu ne me les as pas encore envoyés ; il me tarde cependant de voir leur savoir-faire ! – Attend ! Dans vingt-quatre heures nous y serons, et je compte bien que tu auras fort à t’en plaindre!" (Chabredier 1894:212-213)
<18>
Kona consisted of several villages within a roughly circular arrangement of hills, and was completely surrounded by a wall and ditch. The wall was partly made of stones, partly of palisades. Mizon placed his cannon at a distance of about 270m from the wall, out of reach of Kona’s arrows. The first shots fell too short, thus the cannon was moved closer. Then the shelling cracked a breach of 2-3 m in the wall and Mizon’s Senegalese attacked through this gap, followed by the Emir’s troops. 150 inhabitants of Kona were killed or wounded, the settlement looted and ravaged, and those unable to flee – about 250 women and children – were taken as slaves. On 28th December, Inu, the chief of the Kona, who had fled to the surrounding hills, brought in  his submission. About 2,000 Kona-Jukun who returned because of lack of food were also enslaved. Mizon was offered a pick of slaves by the Emir and he choose two young girls for his Arab lieutenant Hamed and an eight-year-old girl for his attendant S’Nabou.
Figure 2: Mizon attacks Kona (Le Monde illustré, 18. Nov. 1893)
	
<19>
In mid-May 1893 Mizon again helped the Emir of Muri with a force under the command of Adjutant Chabredier to subjugate the inhabitants of Dulti who were accused of obstructing trade routes (Alis 1894:489, Chabredier 1894:243, 258-259).
<20>
The surgeon of the expedition Dr. Henri Ward had returned to Europe shortly after the Kona massacre and, in an effort to dissociate himself from Mizon’s villainous behaviour, published an account in the radical newspaper L’Intransigeant. His story was later corroborated by other members of the expedition, namely Henri Vaughn and Albert Nebout.
<21>
Mizon was recalled to France. However, he did not obey, assuming the order was a forgery by the RNC, but instead proceeded to Yola in July 1893 to negotiate a treaty with the Emir Zubeir. He offered the Emir rifles, revolvers and two cannons. William Wallace, acting Agent General of the RNC, also arrived at Yola after having seized and burnt the French trading posts at Mainarawa and Kunini. The tension between the rival French and British parties was eventually resolved when the Emir recognised the superior strength of the RNC and Mizon’s weak position who acted without backing from his government. On 22nd September 1893 Mizon left Yola on board of his ship for the last time. He dropped S’Nabou at the Catholic mission at Onitsha where she gave birth to a boy of light complexion.
<22>
In French popular periodicals, such as Le Monde Illustrè (1893), Le Journal des Voyages - Aventures de Terre et de Mer (1892-1894), Le Tour du Monde (1892) and Le Petit Journal (1892), Mizon was depicted as a colonial hero and apologetic and profusely illustrated accounts of his expeditions were published.
<23>
In 1895 Mizon became Resident of Majunga in Madagascar, and four years later he was nominated governor of Djibouti but died before reaching his post, probably through suicide, on March 23, 1899.
The Jukun perspective
Introduction to the text
<24>
Kona is a settlement approximately 10km to the northwest of Jalingo, the capital and administrative center of Taraba State, Nigeria. 
Map: Kona and the Jibe area
	
Historically Kona is on the northern fringe of what was once a vast Jukun confederacy. In contrast to other Jukun-speaking commmunities to the north and west (for a full account cf. Storch 1999), the people of Kona or Jibe [Ʒíbə́], as they call themselves, claim to still retain many religious and socio-cultural features of the pre-colonial past. An important property of Jibe identity is that even though most people of Kona and surrounding hamlets have now become Christians and members of the Catholic Church, the local mam-religion still plays an important role in both daily life activities and in passage rites.
<25>
The mam-religion had been an important factor in establishing and maintaining power relationships in the pre-colonial Kororofa empire (Meek 1931, Webster 1994, Storch in print) and was closely associated to divine kingship. Prior to its destruction and to subsequent massive effort by missionaries in the 1930s, Kona was ruled by a divine king, as were most Jukun communities. Jukun divine kings, such as the aku of Wukari, or the kùrù of Kona, are attributed to have more spiritual power than a normal person and as such are believed to constantly exist as augmented subjects, embodying moon, sun, gods, and ancestors. Hence, local history – such as the document dealt with in the present contribution, where loss of power and of control over local resources are described –, needs to interpret crisis and collapse in the context of the divine king’s agency and the violation of taboos that contributed to reduce his spiritual powers.
<26>
But the violation of taboos also plays an important role in the context of how group boundaries are defined, and how the “other” can gain such power that magic and godly chieftaincy do not provide sufficient protection any longer. Kona, as most Jukun societies, is strictly exogamous. Women are normaly married from either other clans or other groups altogether. While male members of the society had and have access to the shrines and participate in religious activities of the mam-cult, women were and are largely excluded from almost all religious activities, with the exception of being allowed to offer food and beer to the gods and ancestors (Dinslage & Storch 2000a & b). At the same time, male control over religious resources and power is symbolized and enforced by a number of taboos that concern all male bodily effluvia, male sexual organs and substances of a slimy viscosity that are considered both powerful and dangerous.
<27>
In modern Kona, food habits, popular story telling, as well as every-day communication patterns very much reflect this situation. Moreover, even though women now do have access to religion via the Catholic Church, situations of crisis and tension of the past years very often included a renaissance of practices of local religions such as mam. In the local account of a late 19th century globalization event that is dealt with here, it is not women’s interference into the men’s religious duties, or lack of agency of the current king, but the appearance of the “ultimate other”, that finally causes the complete destruction of the village and the subsequent enslavement of many of its inhabitants. Mizon was not only one of the first Europeans whom the Jibe ever met, but also the person who bringing modern military technology and steam energy into the area. This experience is reformulated in describing Mizon as an abstract symbolisation of otherness.
<28>
The text also illustrates how the relocalization of socio-religious concepts and history is conceptualized among Jibe. In local history, Kona is constantly re-invented as a place where almost every part of life is based on magic and the observation of taboos. Whatever happens to a person is attributed to the agency of spirits and ancestors, whereby magic plays a key-role in understanding such activities as hunting and warfare, but also politics and conflicts between contemporary groups. 
<29>
Moreover, the shrines that are forbidden for women and all non-initiated persons, are still existing as an important source of power for the men. That the beliefs and secrecy surrounding them are threatening enough to outsiders of the cult  to let the community retain its independence from the nearby Muslim centre of Jalingo, is illustrated by local history that deals with the more recent past (Storch & Dinslage 2000b:225 ff.). In the 1990s, attempts to sell off religious mam-objects and to take photographs inside some of the shrines led to the disappearance of at least two traders of African art and the subsequent imprisoning of a large number of men from Kona. It is interesting to note that in oral accounts of this incident patterns of local history are used that can also be found in accounts dealing with earlier confrontations between members of the mam cult and Western outsiders, and in the text relating to Mizon presented here. 
<30>
In such accounts on violation of taboos and threat of losing control over spiritual and magic powers, Jibe historians very often emphasize that Kona society does not accept any other explanation for disease or death but magic. This holds also true for other disruptive or exceptional incidences. Thus the raid on and subsequent shelling of Kona by Mizon and the Emir of Muri has become a crucial issue in local historiography. While it is a common feature among other Jukun communities to focus oral tradition on an early migration from Yemen or Egypt, fitting themselves in the widespread pattern of the Kisra legend (cf. Stevens 1975), the Jibe hardly mention this topic at all. For the Jibe “real history” starts when the group migrates from a former settlement place on the bank of the River Benue. This place is referred to as kúrò (‘place of death’) and is known to be a ghost-haunted, lonely open space where the spirits of the ancestors live. From there the Jibe moved to where they live today. As a reason for that migration usually a quarrel over chieftancy is given.
<31>
The absence of accounts on earlier migration history and of mythological texts has been interpreted as the result of massive cultural change during the 19th century (Meek 1931), which resulted out of genocidal slave-raiding, jihadist attacks, etc. This suggests that the text discussed in the present contribution also reflects collective trauma and uses magic and spirit possession practices as media of dealing with it. Hence, even though the lists of kings and the major stations of their history are still commonly memorized and reproduced, the Jibe are more conscious of the bombardments of Kona by Mizon than of any other chapter of their history. The defeat and destruction of Kona and the use of formerly unknown modern weaponry had such an impact on the community’s collective memory that even today this topic is constantly discussed when elders tell younger generations about their history, discuss their common heritage and so forth. 
<32>
The strong emphasis which is laid on the incident consequently is fostered by the significance attributed to magic in Kona, a significance which persists even today despite the influences of Christianization and Islamization. Jibe oral historiography rejects all other explanations for the defeat and subjugation of the village apart from internal conflicts which are believed to have counteracted and weakened their magic forces. Thus, the “ultimate other”, Mizon and his war machinery, is not a truly powerful or dangerous figure as far as the story’s sub-text is concerned. For generations Kona was known to be invincible – there was the huge fortification wall built around the town, and as the Jibe were so famous for their knowledge and mastery of magic, they had not been seriously attacked. It was not until the Fulçe attacked them with the assistance by Europeans that Kona was defeated and the wall finally destroyed. This was so in opposition to anything experienced in “invincible” Kona before that the only means of explaining and understanding the incident was interpreting it as a result of magic practiced by a competing Jibe chief. Without internal conflict and Jibe performing witchcraft against the ruling chief, Mizon might never have had a chance to destroy Kona. Mortars would have not done any harm.
<33>
After the destruction of Kona and its wall those Jibe who were not caught and enslaved fled into the surrounding bush; some of them eventually settled north of the Benue (in Jukon and Andamin), but most of them returned after a while and rebuilt the town. The ruins of the fortification wall are still visible today, but its presence is felt more in the common name by which Kona is locally known, i.e. gàrù (‘wall’ in Hausa). The official name Kona, however, is mostly used by strangers and in administrative contexts; it may by etymologically related to the ethnonym Hõne, which refers to the Northern Jukunoid neighbours of the Jibe, and to Gwana, an old political and cultural centre of that community. Another possible etymology of Kona might be the formula used in Jibe when entering a compound or a village: káwù na ‘stay [at the] compound’.
<34>
The modern layout of the town is not very much different from what is described in the oral text: Kona is divided into several quarters which are the homes of the different clans (cf. Dinslage & Storch 2000b). Strangers, either from other ethnic groups or foreigners such as European missionaries, are not allowed to settle inside the town. There is a mission station run by Catholic sisters at the outskirts of Kona. The remains of the mortars and other historical artifacts are kept in the chief’s palace and in the shrines. They form an important part of the community’s heritage and contribute to a common cultural identity that allows even younger Jibe to distinguish themselves in a modern multi-ethnic urban environment such as the nearby state capital Jalingo.
<35>
The oral text presented below consists of a description of the attack and of the magical practices involved. In outline it describes the same actions as the European sources do, albeit from the point of view of the Jibe. The text was recorded in January 1996 in Kona, were it was told by Zorei Nunoye (approximately 60-70 years old) to a large audience. It was translated with the assistance of John Shumen (c. 30 years) and Barnabas Vakkai (c. 60 years).
The history of Kona (English translation)
1.	They migrated from Kuro (lit.: ‘place of death’), they came from Kuro to settle here at the ruined town, place of baobabs. As they left Kuro, they came to settle here at the ruined town, place of baobabs, they passed there and came to stay here. 
2.	War, war came up upon them. One man, Buba, came to the place where the people now settled, and that place was not hidden. There was no secret. He said: ‘The people should come! If you stayed there far away and have the hills around you, one can say it is like in a stomach, you live like in a covered, sheltered place.’ So they came to settle here. 
3.	Agauwa then came and entered the place here, and there was war constantly. If there is no weapon, with what can you defend yourself? Well, that is why they tried and built the wall. It goes up to the mountain, it climbs the mountain. Again, many people came and they divided everything, even the places where they stayed. These are the parts of the wall which they used to break. If one sees that a person comes, everything is divided and the wall is rebuilt close to their homes. Many people settled there. They feared for their lives and difficulties overwhelmed them. So they built a wall because misfortune had met them. Don’t they like their lives? They built a wall because they should cover and protect the gates at the quarters of the Bajibero, the Badoni and the Kawdad. Each and every clan had its own part of the wall, which they had to repair when it was damaged. They went there to stay, and when war came nothing could have defeated them; they just stayed there. 
4.	Then they went around for the question of chiefdom. Oh, we suffered from that competition for chiefdom! They betrayed each other and then bombarded these things, the wall there. When they bombarded it, water came out of the ground and down from above, so they were not conquered. When they [the Fulçe] took their guns and focussed them at the wall, a wind came and pushed the guns around to the reverse. They said: ‘No! What town is here? It is a powerful town!’ Ba of the clan Banojiri wanted to succeed the chief Inu Janu and to become a king. Inu Janu is the father of Kamiy and the grandfather of Kuku Dãw. Ba wanted to be the king, so he invited the people to come. 
5.	Ba wanted to become a king and came and invited people. They came on foot. They came and did an effort until they got tired and returned. He said: ‘What? What again is this? Is there anybody else in this town whom it may belong to but me? The town belongs to our grandfather and father!’ 
6.	Just a small bottle-gourd, just a small bottle-gourd. Ba took the skin of a ratel [mellivora capensis] and put the gourd on its back, shouted some secret words and called citations. He took the bottle-gourd and poured water out of it. He poured it down and destroyed the secret of the town. They then returned and destroyed the wall. They destroyed the wall and killed Numtayi of the Bawuro. Numtayi slept at the gate of the wall, so that nothing could enter. The wall fell on him. The wall went down, as big as this. The wall fell on him and took him down.
7.	Ba then waged war, he was leading the warriors [for the Fulçe], and as they fought, a swallow came. The swallow threw magic things at the people who shot at the Jibe. That was something of the olden days, they say it was a blessing. The swallow was sent to bless us. Fighting changed as the blessing was sent. 
8.	Numtayi took a spear and came out to stab the first man who fell down. After this, the wall fell. As it fell on him, it spared his left hand but covered him up to his waist. There was no chance left for him. A European came and shot him and said: ‘They should go and let everybody see the person who sits at the gate of the wall, so that nobody could conquer the Jibe.’ He climbed very fast and came to the wall, but Numtayi took one spear and shot him dead. Another one then followed the first one. He said: ‘What? Let me see what happened to my senior brother!’ Again – very fast – here where the remains of the wall fell, the man came climbing and Numtayi took a spear and shot him. Numtayi shot two people. Others came, and as his spears were finished, they found him and killed him, cut his head off and left, leaving the remains like that. The next day the Europeans came to cut off the heads and left. 
9.	The king of the Bachama saw this. Someone was there at the banks of a nearby stream and witnessed the fight, and he went to the king and said: ‘Leader, the complete town is destroyed. Let the women run, let them go, because the Jibe settle nearby and their wall is broken from here up to the end. Fire eats everything in the land.’ The women flew and went to the mountains. 
10.	King Inu of Kona sat on a stone, there at the palace. Your grandfather Vani was not yet initiated. Vani came and said: ‘Chief, why do you still sit here? The town is clompletely destroyed, the wall broke and Numtayi is lost and not alive anymore.’ Inu said, that a chief who is so big cannot run away from fire. If death comes, that is that. Vani said, he should get up. Your grandfather Vani! He said, he should get up. The chief said, he could not get up, no way. – He should rise! He must! – No, he cannot rise any more! Vani lifted him and carried him with his arms. A youth! This was a youth in those days – so big. Yes! He took him on his shoulders, and there he went.
11.	Ba now came home and prepared the ritual beer for the spirits and ancestors. The spirits just were with the age-mates of Vani, who were undergoing their initiation ceremonies. Ba said: ‘Son!’, Vani answered. ‘You have not seen the spirits?’ Vani said, no. They gave him blessings and went out together. Ba took Vani out himself and prepared a different beer for the spirits. Vani now stayed with his age-mates to be initiated, and there he saw the spirits and ancestors. Your grandfather Vani was there at the secret place after they destroyed our town. 
12.	That is why it was ruined: because of the question of chieftaincy. Yes. If the children of the chief were like Vani, nothing ever defeated us. You see how we are. If something overwhelms us somehow – at wartime we unite again. We came a long way since our migration from Kuro, but we don’t fear war. Yes. This is our gift. [...]
13.	That is what destroyed and scattered us in war. That is what came and defeated us. We found the bombshells like this, two of them are here at the quarter of Wururo. The people of Wururo found them. We found them as they are now. If you say I may go I will bring them. She should come and see, yes. That’s how it is, no? Yes, this is what came to destroy our wall. I will go to the place of the Wuru, I myself. A child of the Bachama – Dabang – is the one who found one. I myself found one. We found them during the reign of King Shumen. King Dãw came and said he should see them, so one was given to him. One other is at our place here. The thing that destroyed our wall. I go and bring it. Let her come and see them. The Europeans then stayed on. You know, they knew better! I shall go soon.
Transcribed text

bə-dòg	há̰	àbo	kú-rò	bə-dòg	kú-rò	
they-stand_up	as	at	priest-LOC	they-stand_up	priest-LOC	

ǹ-bìy	shí	àré	kání	nòw	be	ágbání	kəd	rí	yéy	shí	
CONS-come	sit	there	ruin	house	place	baobab	grow	FOC	there	sit	

ábə-dòg	à	kú-rò	bək-bìy	shí	àré	à	
as_they-stand_up	PREP	priest-LOC	they_REF-come	sit	there	PREP	

kání	nòw	be	ágbání	àkíy	rí	ǹ-wàm	àré	ya	sə́d	se	
ruin	house	place	baobab	here	FOC	CONS-pass	there	go	stand	there	

kànì	kànì	bìy	ǹ-dòg	ho-bà	
war	war	come	CONS-stand_up	collect-them	

ŋwunò	zṵ̀ŋ	bùbà	yì-bìy	ŋwî	be	àbá	yì-shì	há̰	
man	one	Buba	CONT-come	saying	place	that_they	CONT-sit	as	

ŋwî	be	ke	há̰	ŋwî	kə̀g	mə̀ŋ	àsírí	bú-àyéy	mə̀ŋ	
saying	place	here	as	saying	hide	NEG	secret	thing-there	NEG	

ŋwî	àbá	yì-bìy	fá	há̰	má-sə́d	bo	nón	nón	néy	
saying	that_they	CONT-come	then	as	COND-stand	there	far	far	like	

má-wéy	kùnì	há̰	a-yì	gòg	àzà̰ŋ	bə-yì	ǹ-sə́d	
COND-see	hill	as	you-say	gather	together	they-say	CONS-stand	

dò̰	fúní	ŋwî	be	a-rí-gag	à	kay	ŋwî	àbá	yì-bìy	shí	ke	
like	stomach	saying	place	you-FUT-cover	PREP	home	saying	that_they	CONT-come	sit	here	

ágàuwã	yì-bìy	kàd	rí	ke	be	à	ke	há̰	
Agauwa	CONT-come	enter	FOC	here	place	PREP	here	as	

ǹ-bìy	kad	há̰	də̀rì	kànì	há̰	
CONS-come	enter	as	body	war	as	

bú-tár-nú	má-bámə̀ŋ	a-wúb	bə́	kê	
thing-shoot-mouth	COND-not_there	you-defend	with	what	

tò	ŋwà	àke	sa	rí	bə-yì-sa	kókàrí	bə-mì	gàrù	
well	he	that	do	FOC	they-CONT-do	endeavour	they-build	wall	

rí	ya	kán	à	kùnì	ǹ-ye	nán	à	kùnì	ǹ-ye	nán	há̰	
FOC	go	up	PREP	hill	CONS-go	climb	PREP	hill	CONS-go	climb	as	

m̀pə̀r	bìy	nanə́k	bə-kà̰ŋ	bə-kyàb	báyì	rí	be	sə́d	shí	
person	come	many	they-repeat	they-divide	all	FOC	place	stay	sit	

dí	rí	be	à	gàrù	kyàg	yéy	sə́d	shí	
that	FOC	place	PREP	wall	crack	there	stay	sit	

má-nə́ŋ-wéy	nə́m	m̀pə̀r	bìy	nanə́k	bə-kà̰ŋ	kyàb	
COND-you-see	that	person	come	many	they-repeat	break	

ǹ-kà̰ŋ	mì	sób	à	yay	m̀pə̀r	àshí	à	yay	mòn	à	yéy	
CONS-repeat	build	extend	PREP	home	person	sitting	PREP	home	be_much	PREP	there	

bə-zə́n	áŋwunu	wàhálà	kàb-bè	rí	
they-fear	life	problem	overwhelm-them	FOC	

ábə-mì	gàrù	rí	wàhálà	də̀g-bè	na	néy	bə-zə̀m	áŋwunu	
that_they-build	wall	FOC	problem	find-them	lie	how	they-like	life	

bə-mì	gàrù	rí	jírí	àŋwá-rí-gàg	bə́	gàg	à	ke	
they-build	wall	FOC	matter	they-FUT-cover	and	cover	PREP	here	

nú	yínù	bú	bá-jíbə́-rò	bú	bá-donì	bə́	káwdad	
mouth	road	thing	people-Jibe-LOC	thing	people-Doni	and	Kawdad	

nú	pyínù-wà	sí-yéy	sí-yéy	sí-yéy	márì	bá-kò̰	bú-bə̀	
mouth	road-your	stay-there	stay-there	stay-there	group	people-any	thing-their	

má-zad	bə-rí-wòɣ	à	rí	
COND-wash_away	they-FUT-plaster	PREP	FOC	

bə-rí-ya	rí	bə-bìy	sí-yéy	sə́d	sə́d	àhá̰	kànì	
they-FUT-go	FOC	they-come	stay-there	stay	stay	as	war	

má-bìy	bú-zṵ̀ŋ	a-rí-jì-bà	jì-bà	mə̀ŋ	bə-sí-yéy	sə́d	sə́d	
COND-come	thing-one	it-FUT-eat-them	eat-them	NEG	they-stay-there	stay	stay	

də̀rì	də̀rí	bə̀ŋ	ke	rí	jírí	kùrù	
body	body	go_round	for	FOC	matter	king	

yi-hò	rə̀g	nád	bə́-wà	nə́m	jírí	kùrù	sə́ŋímà	
we-take	PERFVE	suffer	with-it	like_that	matter	chief	alas	

bə-ya	dàd	rí	rí-bìy	tàt	bú	à	rí	gàrù	sə́d	shí	
they-go	betray	FOC	FUT-come	bomb	thing	PREP	FOC	wall	stay	sit	

bə-má-tàt	bú	za-pə̀r	zu	à	bó		
they-COND-bomb	thing	liquid-water	come_out	PREP	place_to		

hwáí	ǹ-rí-zu	à	ke	vúrí	jì	m``ə̀ŋ	
upside	CONS-IMPFVE-come_out	PREP	here	soil	eat	NEG	

bə-má-fád	nú	pyírù	rí	má-zə̀g	sòg	à	bó	
they-COND-turn	mouth	fire	FOC	COND-take	put	PREP	place_to	

gàrù	wòw	zu	à	bó	ǹ-biy	dàb	zə̀g	nú	
wall	wind	come_out	PREP	LOC	CONS-come	push	take	mouth	

pyírù	zə̀g	kà̰ŋ-bà	yákə̀n	
fire	take	reverse-them	back	

bə-yì	ʔàʔà	àsé	lòw	ke	há̰	lòw	àhwáy	hwáyì	rí	
they-say	no	what	house	here	as	house	being_powerful	big	FOC	

bâ	bà-nójìrì	sə̀ŋ	kùrù	à	be	ìnujànù	rí	
Ba	people-Nojiri	want	king	PREP	place	Inujanu	FOC	

ìnujànù	shà	bə́	kàmìy	kùkú	dãw	h1á̰	
Inujanu	father	with	Kamiy	grandfather	Dãw	as	

bâ	sə̀ŋ	na	kùrù	ǹ-ya	dad	m̀pə̀r	bìy	àré	
Ba	want	lie	king	CONS-go	invite	person	come	there	

bà-nójìrì	sə̀ŋ	kùrù	ke	rí	ǹ-bìy	dad	m̀pə̀r	
people-Nojiri	want	king	here	FOC	CONS-come	invite	person	

bə-bìy	kyén	kyén	bə-bìy	sa	sa	ní	ǹ-kà̰ŋ	àré	
they-come	walk	walk	they-come	do	do	tire	CONS-reverse	there	

ku-yì	ʔaʔa	ŋwî	màŋ	də̀rì	káyì	ré	ŋwî	lòw	ke	lòw	
he-say	no	saying	but	body	what	again	saying	house	here	house	

m̀pə̀r	zṵ̀ŋ	ré	ŋwî	lòw	bâ	lòw	bú	kùkú	lòw	bú	shà	
person	one	there	saying	house	thing-of	house	thing	grandfather	house	thing	father	

àŋwu	ákùnì	nə́m	àŋwu	ákùnì	nə́m 	
small	bottle_gourd	like_that	small	bottle_gourd	like_that	

ku-dàd	zə̀g	hwów	tání	ǹ-zə̀g	sòg	à	ke	yákə̀nù	ŋwàyì	
he-take	take	skin	ratel	CONS-take	put	PREP	here	back	its	

zə̀g	léy	jìnì	ǹ-zə̀g	léy	jìnì	
take	voice	speech	CONS-take	voice	speech	

ku-z`ə̀g	rə̀g	wúr	jìní	za-pə̀r	zu	à	ke	
he-take	PERFVE	pour	down	liquid-water	come_out	PREP	here	

ku-zu	wúr	jìní	ku-zə̀g	lòw	gbán	rə̀k	
he-come_out	pour	down	he-take	house	kill	PERFVE	

bə-bìy	kà̰ŋ	àré	ǹ-yag	gbán	gàrù	rí	
they-come	reverse	there	CONS-go	destroy	wall	FOC	

bə-gbán	gàrù	há̰	ǹ-gbán	há̰	númtàyì	bá-wúró	ke	
they-destroy	wall	as	CONS-destroy	as	Numtayi	people-Wuro	here	

a-na	nú	gàrù	rə̀g	bú-zṵ̀ŋ	àkàd	zə̀g	mə̀ŋ	gàrù	hùm-kù	àhá̰	
he-lie	mouth	wall	PERFVE	thing-one	entering	take	NEG	wall	fall-him	as	

gàrù	zə̀g	ye	hùm	à	jìní	gàrù	na	àhwówà	nə́m	
wall	take	go	fall	PREP	down	wall	lie	size	like_that	

gàrù	hùm-kù	ǹ-zə̀g-kù	ye	hùm	à	jìní	há̰	na	
wall	fall-him	CONS-take-him	go	fall	PREP	down	as	lie	

bâ	ku-yì-nóŋ	kànì	ǹ-nóŋ	nóŋ	há̰	ǹ-nóŋ	nóŋ	há̰	
Ba	he-CONT-lead	war	CONS-lead	lead	as	CONS-lead	lead	as	

yì-bìy	àhwáì-na-pyínù	àhwáì-na-pyínù	yì-bìy	ŋwùn	dàd	zə̀g	m̀pə̀r	tàt	rí	há̰	
CONT-come	sky-lie-road	sky-lie-road	CONT-come	throw	take	take	person	shoot	FOC	as	

àbá	nə̀rí	bə-yì	márì	márì	na	
thing_that	olden_days	they-say	blessing	blessing	lie	

àhwáì-na-pyínù	há̰	bək-som-kù	somì	bək-már-yì	néy	
sky-lie-road	as	they_REF-send-him	sending	they_REF-bless-us	now	

bək-kà̰ŋ	bú	kà̰ŋ	àhá	àsom-kù	som	bə́	márì	
they_REF-reverse	thing	reverse	like	sending-him	send	with	blessing	

númtàyì	zə̀g	sáw	sòg-kù	vàk	bìy	ku-bìy	ŋwùn	
Numtayi	take	spear	put-him	palm_of_hand	come	he-come	throw	

zə̀g	m̀pə̀r	zə̀g	tar	jìní	ke	be	há̰	yì	mə́n	rí-pyìnì	
take	person	take	shoot	down	here	place	as	CONT	then	IMPFVE-first	

tò	yákə̀n-wà	há̰	gàrù	húm	nə́m	à	ke	
well	back-his	as	wall	fall	like_that	PREP	here	

gàrù	húm-kù	há̰	ǹ-fám-kù	vó-m̀	jìù	ǹ-húm-kù	ke	sə́n	
wall	fall-him	as	CONS-leave-him	hand-his	eating	CONS-fall-him	here	waist	

dámá	dan	bà	də̀rì	yéy	mə̀ŋ	kà̰	
unpossible	be_not	no	body	there	NEG	now	

bàturè	bə-bìy	tat	bú	há̰	ŋwî	bək-ya	àré	
European	they-come	shoot	thing	as	saying	they_REF-go	there	

ábə-wéy	dí	m̀pə̀r	ke	ábə-yì-wà	shí	rí	nú	
that_they-see	DEF	person	here	that_they-know-him	sit	FOC	mouth	

gàrù	bú-zṵ̀ŋ	kàd	zə̀g	jíbə́	mə̀ŋ	há̰	
wall	thing-one	enter	take	Jibe	NEG	as	

ku-ŋə́n	nə́m	kórì	kórì	kórì	ŋwî	áku-bìy	nán	há̰	à	
he-climb	like_that	fast	fast	fast	saying	that_he-come	ascend	as	PREP	

ke	gàrù	nə́m	ku-dàd	zə̀g	sáw	zṵ̀ŋ	ǹ-sòg-wà	zə̀g	ya	tàt	rə̀g	ke	
here	wall	like_that	he-take	take	spear	one	CONS-shoot-it	take	go	shoot	PERFVE	here	

nyen	ku-yì-ná-kù	à	yákə̀n	há̰	ŋwî	hḿ	ǹ-ye	
outside	he-CONT-follow-him	PREP	back	as	saying	what	CONS-go	

rí	ǹ-wéy	bâ	àsa	dá-m̀	há̰	
FOC	CONS-see	thing_that	doing	senior_relative-my	as	

ǹ-kà̰ŋ	kórì	kórì	à	ke	àkə̀má	gàrù	bə-húm	há̰		
CONS-reverse	fast	fast	PREP	here	remains	wall	they-fall	as		

ǹ-kà̰ŋ	yì	áku-bìy	ŋən	nə́m	há̰	ku-kà̰ŋ	zə̀g	
CONS-reverse	CONT	that_he-come	climb	like_that	as	he-reverse	take	

sáw	rə̀g	ǹ-sòg-wà	yì	há̰	ku-zə̀g	bìy	tàt	m̀pə̀r	pyénà	
spear	PERFVE	CONS-shoot-him	CONT	as	he-take	come	shoot	person	two	

bək-bìy	sáw	və́n	fòm-kù	rə̀g	sáw	və́n	fòm-kù	
the_REF-come	spear	finish	leave-him	PERFVE	spear	finish	leave-him	

rə̀g	bək-pì-yag	ǹ-ye	də́g-kù	ǹ-gbán-kù	
PERFVE	they_REF-then-go	CONS-go	meet-him	CONS-kill-him	

ǹ-kàm	zə̀g	kíní	ye	yag	rí	ǹ-fòm	ábə̀kə̀	àhá̰	
CONS-cut	take	head	go	go	FOC	CONS-leave	rest	like_this	

àkíy	ná̰wù	bàturè	bə̀	à	ke	bìy	bə̀k-kə̀m	zə̀g	kíní	ye	
tomorrow	day	European	they	PREP	here	come	they_REF-cut	take	head	go	

yag	rí	ǹ-fòm	ábə̀kə̀	àhá̰	kùrù	kə́ŋbá	wéy	
go	FOK	CONS-leave	rest	like_this	king	Bachama	see	

ku-yì-shí	há̰	àré	nú	za-pə̀r	wúnkə̀rè	fé	ku-dòg	
he-CONT-sit	as	there	mouth	liquid-water	Wunkere	and	he-rise	

ǹ-ye	kàd	bo	kay	ŋwî	áy	ánóŋə̀	nòw	báyì	báyì	rí	
CONS-go	enter	place_to	home	saying	oh	leader	house	complete	complete	FOC	

ábə	wurwà	shár	ábə -ya	néyì	ku-shí	zu	zu	ke	
that_they	woman	run	that_they_go	because	he-sit	near	near	here	

gàrù	gbàn	rí	há̰	hár	sə́d	sə́d	ya	rə̀k	pyírù	jì	ke	ávə́rí	rə̀g	
wall	destroy	FOC	as	until	stay	stay	go	PERFVE	fire	eat	here	land	PERFVE	

sə́dne	tò	bá-wurwà	bìk	ǹ-ye	yag	rə̀g	ágàw	kùnì	
anyhow	well	people-woman	break_away	CONS-go	go	PERFVE	side	hill	

kùrù	ìnu	ku-dòg	ǹ-ye	zu	shí	à	ke	ǹ-zu	
king	Inu	he-rise	CONS-go	come_out	sit	PREP	here	CONS-come_out	

shí	à	ke	àbani	ke	fadà	ǹ-shí	
sit	PREP	here	stone	here	palace	CONS-sit	

kùkú	nâ	há̰	vánì	mə́n	wéy	jánu	mə̀ŋ	
grandfather	this_yours	as	Vani	touch	see	ancestor_mask	NEG	

vánì	sə́d	bo	ǹ-bìy	ŋwî	ánóŋə̀	a-shí	rə̀g	sə́d	káyì	há	
Vani	stay	place_to	CONS-come	saying	leader	you-sit	PERFVE	sit	what	INTERR	

ŋwî	na	nòw	báyì	rə̀g	ŋwî	gàrù	gbàn	rə̀g	
saying	lie	house	complete	PERFVE	saying	wall	destroy	PERFVE	

númtàyì	ján	bá	àsóni	mə̀ŋ	ku-yì	ŋwî	áhwòw	há̰	kùrù	shád	pyírù	shád	ré	
Numtayi	lose	NEG	life	NEG	he-say	saying	bigness	as	king	run	fire	run	INTERR	

kìy	má-bìy	rə̀g	shí-kè-náŋ	
death	COND-come	PERFVE	that-is-it	

ku-yì	àŋwà-dòg	də̀rì	vánì	kùkú-nə̀ŋ	ku-yì	àŋwà-dòg	
he-say	he_SUBJ-rise	body	Vani	grandfather-yours	he-say	he_SUBJ-rise	

ku-yì	kái	ŋwî	ku-dòg	zə̀g	mə̀ŋ	bá	dámá	
he-say	you	saying	he-rise	take	NEG	NEG	possibility	

kú-dòg	á-dòg	àré	ŋwà	ku-yì	ku-dòg	zə̀g	mə̀ŋ	
he_SUBJ-rise	you_SUBJ-rise	here	must	he-say	he-rise	take	NEG	

vánì	ye	dù-kù	vo	à	ke	tahwàr	ǹ-dàd	zə̀g	sàk	áhwàì	
Vani	go	lift-him	hand	PREP	here	armpit	CONS-take	take	hang	neck	

m̀pə̀ŋə̀	bìy	naì	m̀pə̀ŋə̀	bìy	ánə́rì	há̰	hwáì	àhá	
youth	come	laying	youth	come	ancient	as	big	that	

ku-dàd	zə̀g-wà	sàk	rə̀	áhwàì	ku-dàd	zə̀g	zuì	só	nə́m	
he-take	take-him	hang	PERFVE	neck	he-take	take	passing	there	like_that	

bâ	bìy	ǹ-bìy	kàd	à	káy	há̰	ǹ-zə̀g	sh1i	
Ba	come	CONS-come	enter	PREP	home	as	CONS-take	beer	

jánu	wù	rí	yéy	sh1i	
ancestor_mask	cook	FOC	there	beer	

bərí-kùrù	wù	rí	yéy	bá-jâw	vánì	rí	wéy	
COLL-king	cook	FOC	there	people-friend	Vani	FOC	see	

jánu	à	ke	à	káy	ku-yì	ŋwù	ŋwà-zə̀m	
ancestor_mask	PREP	here	PREP	home	he-say	son	he_REF-answer	

ŋwà-mə́n	nə́m	wéy	jánu	mə̀ŋ	ŋwà-yì	ḿ	
he_REF-touch	like_that	see	ancestor_mask	NEG	he_REF-say	yes	

bə-yì	márì	m̀pə̀r	ye	yag	pàr	rə̀k	
they-say	blessing	person	go	go	masses	PERFVE	

ku-dàd	zə̀g-wà	ye	yag	rí	ku-yì-yag	wúd	sh1i	jánu	
he-take	take-him	go	go	FOC	he-CONT-go	cook	beer	ancestor_mask	

à	bo	kə̀m	
PREP	place_to	different	

ku-sə́g	à	bo	bìy	bə́	bá-jâw-wà	wéy	
he-stay	PREP	place_to	come	with	people-friend-his	see	

jánu	rə̀g	ku-yì-wéy	jánu	rí	à	
ancestor_mask	PERFVE	he-CONT-see	ancestor_mask	FOC	PREP	

bo	be-wà	rí	ǹ-bìy	ré	
place_to	place-his	FOC	CONT-come	IMPVE	

vánì	kùkú-nə̀ŋ	àré	bâ	gbán	lòw-yì	
Vani	grandfather-your	there	thing_that	kill	house-our	

na-wà	ke	gbán	néy	àhá	néy	jírí	kùrù	bâ	ke	
lie-it	here	destroy	that	yes	that	issue	king	thing_that	here	

jáná	kùrù	ná	má-na-nə́ŋ	mə̀ŋ	bú-zṵ̀ŋ	à-jì	ye	jì	bámə̀ŋ	
children	king	lie	COND-lie-resemble	NEG	thing-one	eating	go	eat	not_there	

nə́ŋ-wéy	áyi-sə́d	hámá	bú	jì	nə́m	yámà	mə̀ŋ	há̰	kànì	ho	də̀rì-yì	
you-see	that_we-stay	how	thing	eat	like_that	anyhow	NEG	as	war	collect	body-our	

bo	à	bo	kú-rò	hár	sə́d	sə́d	sə́d	sə́d	sə́d	
place_to	PREP	place_to	priest-LOC	from	stay	stay	stay	stay	stay	

yì-bìy	rí	fád	ré	há̰	àmá	ǹ-zə̀n	kànì	bámə̀ŋ	àsírí-yì	
CONT-come	FOC	reach	IMPFVE	as	but	CONS-fear	war	not_there	secret-our	

àré	bâ	àsa	kànì	gbán-yì	kànì	ke	bâ	àbìy	gbán-yì	hàná	
that	thing_that	doing	war	destroy-us	war	here	thing_that	coming	destroy-us	like_this	

i-fyág	ho-bà	ke	há̰	tə̀rí	nə́m	pyénà	rí	ke	
we-find	collect-them	here	as	be_present	like_that	two	FOC	here	

wùrù-rò	bá-wùrù-rò	fyág	àré	i-fyág	ho	tə̀rí	má-rí-hàmá	
Wuru-LOC	people-Wuru-LOC	find	there	we-find	collect	be_present	COND-IMPFVE-now	

nə́ŋ-má-yì	ǹ-ye	ǹ-zə̀g	bìy	mèy	ye	ǹ-zə̀g	bìy	
you-COND-say	CONS-go	CONS-take	come	leave	go	CONS-take	come	

áku-bìy	wéy	ái	na	nə́m	kó	àhá	bú	àbìy	gbán	də̀rì-yì	gàrù	
that_she-come	see	just	lie	like_that	or	this	thing	coming	destroy	body-our	wall	

n-yag	fád	rí	bo	be	wùrù	rí	bə́	də̀rì-mì	rí	
I-go	reach	FOC	place_to	place	Wuru	FOC	with	body-my	FOC	

ŋwù	kə́ngbá	dàbàŋ	àsaì	fyág	rə̀	zṵ̀ŋ	də̀rì-mì	n-fyág	rə̀	zṵ̀ŋ	
child	Bachama	Dabaŋ	maker	find	PERFVE	one	body-my	I-find	PERFVE	one	

i-fyág-à	zo	kùrù	shúmen	rí	
we-find-it	time	king	Shumen	FOC	

kùrù	dà̰w	bìy	há̰	ŋwî	áku-wéy	bə-dàd	zə̀g	rí	yí-kù	
king	Dãw	come	as	saying	that_he-see	they-take	take	FOC	give-him	

zṵ̀ŋ	sə́d	bo	be-à	rí	zṵ̀ŋ	kà̰ŋ	rí	sə́d	ke	yì-rò	
one	stay	place_to	place-his	FOC	one	reverse	FOC	stay	here	our-LOC	

bú	àgbán	gàrù	n-ye	zə̀g	bìy	áku-bìy	wéy	də̀rì-bə̀	
thing	destroying	wall	I-go	take	come	that_she-come	see	body_their	

bàturè	sə́d	a-yì	nə́m	bə-wéy	nə́m	àhá̰	n-yag	rə́	réwà	
European	stay	you-know	like_that	they-see	like_that	as	I-go	IMPFVE	soon	

Commentary
Zorei Nunoye’s account of Kona’s oral history is structured as follows:
1.	Early migration
2.	War and jihad; founding of Kona
3.	Fortification of Kona
4.	Competition for chieftaincy; Ba’s betrayal
5.	Ba performs magic and destroys Kona's spiritual protection
6.	Description of the fight; a swallow as a magic defence
7.	Heroic fight of the guard Numtayi
8.	The Bachama flee
9.	Vani carries King Inu out of the burning town
10.	Ba initiates Vani
11.	Lament and praise for the Jibe warriors
12.	Where the mortars are today
<36>
The first part of text (1) deals with the migration from Kuro to an open space where baobab trees were growing. This migration was probably encouraged by disputes over chieftaincy or similar important titles. Apart from this, ethnohistory of Kona emphasizes that an important sculpture and a magic golden stone – parts of a major shrine of the Jibe – fell into the River Benue at Kuro, so that migration could not continue until the objects were retrieved. After a terrible drought they were recovered and have been kept ever since in the community’s major shrines.
<37>
In the second paragraph (2) we are told that somebody – a Fulçe man called Buba – came to the Jibe in order to advise them to move to a safer, better-protected area. Informants like this person were common on both sides – Jibe and Fulçe – and crossed the borders between enemies in order to betray their own people and to get a reward for their information. Most likely the Jibe had stayed in an open area because they did not know how to cross the mountains; after having been shown a secret passage through the wilderness they settled at the present site of Kona under their chief Agauwa. As aggression always came from the North and the passage to the South through the mountains was secret (while the southern side was safe) the site of Kona was wisely chosen.
<38>
The text continues with a description of the fortification of the newly established town. (3) There were normally two options for safety: weapons (bow and arrow, spears) or a fortification wall. Under the legendary chief Agauwa, who must have known similar structures from northern towns, a wall was built and Kona became known as gàrù, after the Hausa word for ‘wall’. Building took about three years, as the fortification was often restructured because many migrants were still moving to Kona. The wall had two major gates which were always protected. Every clan was responsible for the maintenance of a certain part of the wall.
<39>
After establishing the town, building the fortification wall and restructuring the society in a way that clans would share and divide work and responsibilities, Kona was well-protected against local enemies and the Fulɓe Jihadists. Now (4) a person called Ba of the clan Banojiri, who belonged to the group of the noblemen or kingmakers, wanted to become chief, and in order to betray the current leader he gave some secret information to the enemy. After this information had been passed to the Fulɓe they came armed with guns and attacked Kona. But every time they tried to shoot, something happened to their weapons. So the Fulɓe became convinced that the inhabitants of Kona were in possession of some powerful magic or secret. Eventually, the Fulçe would rather ask persons from neighbouring ethnic groups such as the Bachama or even Europeans to fight against such dangerous enemies instead of wasting their own people. The Bachama apparently fought against Kona before, but out of fear of magic, they rather established a joking relationship with the Jibe. Since this time, an old Jibe woman is regularly sent to care for a shrine in a Bachama commmunity, a rare example of a Jibe who holds a female title.
<40>
Meanwhile, Ba, whose betrayal had not yet led to any result, performed magic rites in order to destroy the town’s secret and its spiritual protection. (5) Kona thus was conquered by the Fulçe, whose warriors were led by Ba. That Europeans aided the Emir in conquering Kona by bombarding the fortification wall is only of marginal interest here: had Ba not destroyed the town's spiritual powers before (which he as an initiated Jibe could do), the bombardment would not have harmed Kona. The focus of the description of the fight and destruction lies on how a last magical protection of the town, a swallow, almost defeated the attacking warriors (6), when Ba finally succeeded. Before Kona is lost and destroyed, a prototype of a brave Jibe warrior is depicted: (7) Numtayi, who guards the town’s gate, is already severely wounded and almost buried by the ruins of the wall, when he throws his two remaining spears (Jibe warriors usually used three different types of spears) at a European soldier, whom he kills. Then he is overwhelmed by the other soldiers and decapitated. 
<41>
As Kona is burning, the Bachama, who settle nearby, already let their women flee to the mountains. (8) In Kona, Numtayi’s enormous strength and power is not exceptional, as Vani, a boy who is not yet initiated, appears on the scene. (9) King Inu, desperate, sits on a stone in front of his palace and sees how his town burns down to the ground. Unable to move, he waits for death. In Jibe society, suicide is regarded as a noble action when a situation has become hopeless and one's dignity has been lost. As such, suicide would be an acceptable way for Inu to end the dramatic competition with Ba, but Vani carries the chief in his arms out of the burning town and saves him. Impressed by such loyalty and integrity, Ba, who is just performing rites for the spirits, decides to initiate Vani, who has not yet reached the age to take part in the men’s secret activities. (10) Vani is thus taken to a secret place, where the other boys are already in contact with the spirits. Vani sees the spirits and is initiated into his clan’s shrine and later becomes one of the community’s outstanding heroes.
<42>
The emphasis Zorei Nunoye lays on the physical and spiritual strength of the male Jibe has a historical background which dates back to the founding of Kona: King Agauwa, who had the wall built, restructured his people as a society of warriors, who were organized within the secret societies of their clans’ shrines. The men's social activities consisted mainly in the secret religious rites they performed at the shrines and in competitions in fighting and shooting with bow and arrow. The self-estimation of Jibe men as mighty and powerful warriors persists, even though fighting has ceased in the 1930s. Women, on the other hand, are carefully kept away from the men’s secret places and activities, and it is characteristic of their exclusion from religious activities that there were hardly any women in the audience listening to Zorei Nunoye’s account of Kona's history.
<43>
The text ends with a lament on those conflicts which always weakened the society and with praise for the strong men of Kona, who always reunite in times of war. (11) At the end, we are told how the mortars were found and where they are today. (12) Zorei Nunoye offered to bring one of them, which was kept in the house of the Wuru, an important traditional titleholder. He left his clan’s gathering place and later came back with a rusty piece of iron, which once destroyed his town, but not his people’s magical powers.
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